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alazaro
Envíos 10057 |
 Enviado - 20 enero 2007 : 00:55:26
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Per a tot el que faci referència a l'enfrontament bèl·lic entre Geòrgia i Rússia iniciat el 8 d'agost de 2008 a Ossètia del Sud, vegeu OSSÈTIA / OSETIA (http://casadelest.org/foro/topic.asp?TOPIC_ID=483).
Para todo lo que se refiera al enfrentamiento bélico entre Georgia y Rusia iniciado el 8 de agosto de 2008 en Osetia del Sur, véase OSSÈTIA / OSETIA (http://casadelest.org/foro/topic.asp?TOPIC_ID=483).
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The Group of States against Corruption (GRECO) publishes report on Georgia
[15/01/2007]
The Council of Europe’s Group of States against Corruption (GRECO) has published today its Second Round Evaluation Report on Georgia. The report has been made public with the agreement of the Georgian authorities.
GRECO’s Second Evaluation Round focuses on measures taken to deprive criminals of the benefits of their corrupt acts, to counter corruption in public administration and to prevent companies being used to shield corruption. In its report GRECO commends Georgia for the vast array of reforms it has carried out in recent years as regards these three themes under evaluation. It however also stresses that the effects of these reforms need to be closely monitored and that further improvements will need to be made. GRECO therefore addresses 14 recommendations and several observations to the Georgian authorities, in particular to ensure the effective implementation of recently adopted legislation.
As regards corruption in public administration, GRECO stresses the importance of audits of the public sector, including local authorities, and urges the Georgian authorities to develop standards for these audits. Moreover, there is a need to ensure the impartial recruitment of public servants and judges. Other recommendations address rules on receiving gifts, situations in which public employees’ private interests conflict with their professional duties, the reporting of corruption and the adoption of codes of ethics. As regards illegal profits derived from corruption offences, the Georgian authorities are called upon to provide training to police and prosecutors on the new legislation and on financial investigations, so as to ensure the adequate confiscation of illegal profits. Finally, in the area of company legislation, GRECO points to the need to amend the legislation on the liability of companies for corruption offences, to provide training to officials required to apply this legislation and to train tax inspectors in the detection of bribes which are hidden as legal expenses.
Measures taken by Georgia to implement GRECO’s recommendations will be assessed by GRECO in the context of a specific compliance procedure in the second half of 2008.
(Source: GRECO. - http://www.coe.int/t/dg1/Greco/Default_en.asp) |
Editado por - alazaro a las 09 agosto 2008 15:19:47 |
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alazaro
Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 24 febrero 2007 : 00:52:43
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GEORGIA: OPPOSITION LEADERS COMPLAIN ABOUT LACK OF TRANSPARENCY IN PRIVATIZATION
Molly Corso
12-02.2007
Opposition leaders are complaining about a continuing lack of transparency in Georgia’s privatization process. The recent privatization of an energy distribution network underscores the lack of clarity, critics of Georgian government practices maintain.
On February 5, nearly nine months after officially winning a government tender for Georgia’s main energy distribution company and several hydropower stations, the Czech-based Energy-Pro signed a contract with the Georgian government that gave it control over the bulk of the country’s energy distribution network.
According to the original auction in June, Energy-Pro offered to pay $312 million for the package. However, five months after the auction was officially closed and the winner announced, the government had still not signed a contract with Energy-Pro. Despite rampant -- and unconfirmed -- rumors that Energy-Pro was backed by a Russian investor, the government did not take any steps to clarify the situation.
To add to the speculation, by the time the final deal was announced this week, Energy-Pro had agreed to pay the government just $132 million for the distribution company and hydropower stations. The government has explained the difference by pointing to a $285 million investment package Energy-Pro signed along with its purchase contract. While that adds up to more than the originally bid in total, the government is still receiving less for the energy objects than Energy-Pro promised to pay under the conditions of the original winning bid.
Republican Party leader Davit Usupashvili noted that unless the earlier auction results were nullified, it is unclear why the government would have allowed the company to walk away from its original bid.
"What happened with that privatization... what was happening during these… months?" he asked. "[What kind of message do] these kinds of deals send… to companies who in the future would want to privatize and participate in other tenders? It is ridiculous."
Giorgi Isakadze, executive director of the Foundation of Georgian Businessmen, agreed that the problems connected with property rights are reflected in the government’s handling of privatization. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive]. "The main mistake the government makes right now is they are not using legal ways… it is damaging their image. They have all the legal tools in their hands," Isakadze said, noting that while going through the courts is a longer process, it would make everyone more "comfortable" with the results.
"[There] have been cases that were transparent, but there have been some processes where there are a lot of questions without answers," he continued. "It is better for the government to answer [questions] and make the process transparent."
Energy-Pro is not the first privatization deal with hiccups. The January 2005 privatization of the Batumi Oil Terminal -- one of the first of the country’s large-scale privatizations -- was repeated numerous times with little explanation. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
Isakadze noted that the Chiatura mining complex in western Georgia was another case of multiple privatizations with non-transparent outcomes. In 2005, the Russian company EvrazHoldings won the rights to the company through a privatization-turned-bankruptcy sale. However, a few weeks later, it walked away from the deal with little explanation and forfeited its $20 million down payment.
Similar questions dog the disposal of the Rustavi Metallurgical Factory, a vast Soviet-era industrial complex that has lingered, rusting, on the verge of complete collapse for years. It was slated for privatization in the summer of 2005. However, after several companies expressed interest in the property, the privatization mechanism was changed to bankruptcy -- a procedure handled by a bankruptcy manager, not by the government itself. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive].
Rustavi was also reportedly privatized at least two times, with both declared owners now claiming the rights to the property. The Italian investor Metal-Geo allegedly was granted nearly 100 percent of the property in 2003 by a presidential decree.
The complex has since been touted as an example of the potential of Georgia’s privatization campaign. Energy and Industrial Complex, an off-shore company that purchased the bulk of the property through the bankruptcy auction, held a huge opening event in November 2006 attended by President Saakashvili to announce that the factory was open for business.
However, during a telephone interview with EurasiaNet in January 2007, Petre Maruashvili, head of plant administration at Rustavi, confirmed rumors that the factory was still waiting for financing "to come through" and commented that it was "too soon" to speak about the factory’s successes or planned projects.
Zurab Melikishvili, governor of the Kvemo Kartli region where Rustavi is located, told EurasiaNet that the factory is only producing electric heaters and pipes now, and that the whole factory will probably not come on line until 2008.
For now, the controversies shadowing Georgia’s privatization campaign do not appear to have dampened the interest of foreign investors. Despite his own concerns about the privatization’s lack of transparency, Isakadze said he has not noticed any real concern from investors. According to the latest figures from IMF and the World Bank, Georgia received $1 billion in foreign investments in 2006 -- nearly double the expected amount.
Editor’s Note: Molly Corso is a freelance reporter and photojournalist based in Tbilisi.
(Posted February 12, 2007 © Eurasianet. - http://www.eurasianet.org) |
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alazaro
Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 25 febrero 2007 : 00:33:32
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alazaro
Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 17 marzo 2007 : 13:24:10
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GEORGIA: ORTHODOXY IN SCHOOLS
Religious minorities say Orthodox creed is given unfair advantage in schools
By Fati Mamiashvili in Tbilisi
Muraz Mirzoyev, an ethnic Yezidi, was a first form pupil at the Davitiani Georgian private school, when his father forbade him to attend religion lessons after he found out that Christian studies was being taught there and Orthodox rituals practiced at the school.
"This form of schooling discriminates against other nationalities," said Muraz's father Agit Mirzoyev, who is also head of the Georgian Yezidi Kurds' Union. "I don't want my son to come under the influence of some other religion. The management of the school understood my decision."
Yezidis are a small minority in Georgia and practice their own faith. Told not to attend classes where Christianity is being taught, Muraz went home during religious studies lessons or waited for them to end in an adjoining classroom.
"Muraz felt uncomfortable, because he could not understand what was going on at the lessons while he wasn't there," said Mirzoyev. "This one hour was enough to make him feel ill at ease."
Muraz is now nine years old and a fourth-form pupil. He still skips lessons in the history of religion and his father does not allow him to go on outings with his classmates.
"I prefer him to stay at home instead of visiting Georgian cultural monuments that are presented as symbols of the Christian religion," his father said.
Religious education is becoming a contentious issue for minorities in Georgia. According to a law on general education passed in April 2005, religious studies is not a compulsory subject on the curriculum, which means it is up to the schools themselves to decide whether to provide lessons in Orthodoxy or not.
The education ministry has no exact figures on the number of schools teaching the subject in Georgia, where Orthodox Christians comprise around 80 per cent of the population. The ministry's press office said only that "most Georgian schools teach the history of religion".
IWPR telephoned ten schools in Tbilisi and found that all of them had the subject in their curricula.
In its 2006 International Religious Freedom Report, the US Department of State struck a note of concern, saying that in contradiction of legislation passed in 2005, "Teachers often began most courses, including mathematics and science, by leading the class in a recitation of Orthodox prayers. Those students who did not participate were sometimes punished. "
The report said that Orthodox icons and religious pictures were often hung in classrooms and some schools had chapels where students were encouraged to pray.
Bella Tsipuria, deputy minister of education and science, denied there was a problem.
"No one is going to make anyone attend religion lessons," she said. "Pupils have the discretion to decide whether to attend the lessons or not."
However, language teacher Lamara Pashayeva told IWPR that those pupils who missed religious studies lessons were suffering as a result.
"One Yezidi boy who did not attend lessons on religion was often beaten and bullied by his classmates," she said.
"Unfortunately, his family won't make it public. I can only say that the form-master asked me for help, because the religious studies teacher did not resolve the conflict."
Arnold Stepanian, chief of the Multinational Georgia organisation which defends minority rights, said his organisation had recorded up to 15 cases over the past two years where non-Georgian pupils had their rights violated by classmates or religious studies teachers.
"During lessons, religious studies teachers called Muslims, Jews and Kurds 'henchmen of the Devil'," said Stepanian. "Unfortunately, parents often don't speak up."
"The trouble is that many parents do not know their rights, thinking that it's normal for their children to have their rights violated for the sake of Orthodoxy," said Beka Mindiashvili, an expert at the Religious Tolerance Centre in the Georgian ombudsman's office, who himself used to teach religious studies in a school.
Tsipuria said her ministry had never heard of conflicts related to the teaching of religion in schools.
"If there really is a conflict on religious grounds somewhere, this violates the law on general education," said Tsipuria. "If these facts are confirmed, the ministry's inspectors will respond to them."
However, the ombudsman's office said the education ministry had overlooked an incident that attracted a lot of attention last year in the town of Vale in Akhaltsikhe district, which has a large Catholic population.
"On April 13, 2006, the ombudsman's office received a complaint from Catholic pupils in Vale's secondary school No.1, who accused their teachers of religion, geography and Georgian language of a negative attitude towards them," said a press release by the office.
"The religious studies teacher hurt a Catholic schoolgirl's ear because she had not made the sign of the cross the way Orthodox Christians do," said Mindiashvili.
Gocha Khitarishvili, the father of the girl, told IWPR that things improved after the ombudsman's office intervened.
Levan Abashidze of the Georgian parliament's research department argues that "when a school decides voluntarily to teach religious studies, the subject becomes compulsory for all pupils of the school".
"Schools should teach a history of various religions, while most of the textbooks the schools use nowadays are trying to convert people to Orthodoxy," said Abashidze.
Last year, the non-government Caucasus Institute for Peace, Democracy and Development, CIPPD, held a series of workshops for teachers on how religion should be taught in schools.
"It turned out that several of the teachers were intolerant towards people of other faiths," said Bella Beradze of CIPDD. "The participants themselves owned up to this."
Evidence from Georgian schools confirms this.
Catholic priest Father Zurab Kikachishvili cited a case in which a teacher of religious studies in a Gori school made an entire class, including two Catholic pupils, receive communion according to the Orthodox Christian rite.
Marta Samatashvili, who teaches religious studies in secondary school No. 62 in Tbilisi, said, "Religion should be taught very carefully." She said that ethnic Georgian Orthodox Christians and Muslim Azerbaijanis and Kists in her classes studied the history of different religions and not just Orthodoxy.
"Each of us is free to choose his faith," she said. "The Orthodox religion forbids violence against other religions."
Lela Jejelava, coordinator of the inter-religious council of the Georgian Patriarchate, said people who belonged to traditional faith groups could ask to be taught their religion in schools, but there was no legal requirement for this to happen.
Jejelava said the Roman Catholic Church, the Armenian Apostolic Church, and the Jewish and Muslim communities had all refused to register as legal entities because "they don't want to exist as a firm or foundation".
She said teaching of other religions in schools would be out of the question until these faiths obtained a legal status - leaving the Georgian Orthodox Church in a dominant position in Georgia's schools.
Fati Mamiashvili is a freelance journalist working in Tbilisi.
(IWPR'S CAUCASUS REPORTING SERVICE, No. 382, March 8, 2007. - Institute for War & Peace Reporting [editor@iwpr.net].)
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alazaro
Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 26 marzo 2007 : 23:07:03
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GEORGIA CREATES ARMY RESERVES
The president wants the capacity to call up 100,000 men
By Koba Liklikadze in Tbilisi
Georgia is moving towards creating a compulsory system of reserve soldiers, which President Mikheil Saakashvili says will transform its defence capabilities. However, critics say the new system will only increase corruption in the armed forces.
The new system being launched this month obliges all men between 27 and 40 to undergo 24 days training in the army every two years, or 18 days if they are students. Employees must cover their salaries during their leave of absence.
Saakashvili said that within the next two years, Georgia will have a well-drilled 100,000-strong force of reservists who can guarantee the "total defence" of the country, alongside the regular units.
The president himself underwent army reserve training last August, and said on his return, "In a situation where others are baring their teeth at Georgia - and this is no game - we should have the capacity to deploy a minimum of 100,000 men within a few months, if the country needs this.
"In our villages and towns, there should be tens of thousands or even hundreds of thousands of our citizens who are ready to defend our motherland."
The reserve system began as a voluntary scheme three years ago, but after a relatively low take-up, it was made compulsory under a law passed by parliament last year.
De facto officials from Georgia's breakaway territories, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, say the fact that reservist camps have been placed near their borders is a sign of aggressive intent on the part of the authorities in Tbilisi.
"This is a demonstration that the authorities of Georgia want as many of their citizens as possible to have experience of military operations," said Gari Kupalba, deputy defence minister of Abkhazia.
Rati Samkurashvili, leader of the majority group in the Georgian parliament, told IWPR, "We do not plan to militarise the country; our main aim is to increase its military efficiency."
Formally, all Georgian males aged between 18 and 27, excepting students, are required to do 18 months' military service. However, just 2,000 young men a year are actually called up, and many others manage to bribe their way out of the army. Georgia has been moving away from conscription, and 80 per cent of the 28,000-strong army consists of professional soldiers.
The reserve system is designed not only to boost the number of potential soldiers, but also to instill a greater sense of patriotism. In recent weeks all of Georgia's television channels have been running an advertisement which shows a young man abandoning his expensive car and enthusiastically joining soldiers in an armoured troop-carrier heading for a military camp.
Giorgi Barbakadze, a 20-year-old third-year student at Tbilisi State University, won't have to abandon his car, as he does not own one, but he will still have to drop his studies to do 18 days of reserve training.
"I've been told that if I do reserve duty twice while I'm at university, I will have completed my entire military service. That will allow me to avoid being called up for a compulsory year-and-a-half service in the army, and make it easier for me to find a government job in future," he said.
Although the scheme has widespread support, it is also being criticised for being both expensive and unworkable.
Parliamentary opposition deputy Kakha Kukava said he feared the system would be abused.
"We should be aware that unlike Israel, our state institutions function properly only in Tbilisi, and [even there] we're only talking about a few central ministries," he said. "All other state establishments in Georgia are a sham. In that light, switching to a reserve service where every district is responsible for a certain military unit such as a company or battalion, is a fiction and will do nothing for military efficiency".
"Training reserve forces does not just mean a month spent in a tent and a morning run," warned military expert Shalva Tadumadze, who argues that the army should provide specialist training for its reserve soldiers.
Other analysts warn that the system could increase bribery and corruption.
Irakli Sesiashvili, director of the non-governmental organisation Justice and Freedom, said that with around half a million potential reservists, there will be attempts to buy people off the call-up lists.
"The lists of potential reservists are being compiled by the interior and justice ministries, but departments of the drafting agency will be giving the job of checking them," said Sesiashvili. "This is where the 'holes could occur, if we assume that efforts will be made to remove individual reservists from the lists in return for money."
According to the defence ministry, the heads of six district drafting commissions were prosecuted for negligence and corruption last year. Nana Intskirveli, head of the ministry's press office, said that in one town alone - Zugdidi in the west of the country - the existence of 1,300 conscription-age men was concealed from the defence authorities.
By law, people who evade military service could face a prison sentence of three to six years.
The government is also trying to lure young men into joining the army full-time by promising them rewards. President Saakashvili has said new commissioned officers will get free apartments.
The president and other government officials plan to visit the reserve camps to demonstrate their personal support for the new scheme.
Koba Liklikadze is a military commentator for Radio Liberty in Tbilisi.
(IWPR'S CAUCASUS REPORTING SERVICE, No. 384, March 22, 2007.)
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alazaro
Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 04 abril 2007 : 00:33:46
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FORMER GEORGIAN PRESIDENT REBURIED IN TBILISI
Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili led a special ceremony on March 31 to rebury the remains of former President Zviad Gamsakhurdia in a Tbilisi cemetery, the Civil Georgia website and ITAR-TASS reported. As some 35,000 people attended the funeral at a cathedral in Mtskheta, Saakashvili was joined by Russian Ambassador to Georgia Vyacheslav Kovalenko and senior Georgian officials to honor Gamsakhurdia, who served for less than a year in 1991-92 as the first president of Georgia after it gained independence from the former Soviet Union. He died in mysterious circumstances in December 1993, after fleeing Georgia at the onset of a destructive civil war. His remains were moved from Grozny, the capital of neighboring Chechnya, to Georgia on March 28 for the April 1 reburial. RG
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 61, Part I, 2 April 2007.) |
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alazaro
Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 09 abril 2007 : 14:36:17
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GEORGIA TAKES RUSSIA TO HUMAN RIGHTS COURT
By Claire Bigg
The Georgian Justice Ministry has announced that it has filed a lawsuit against Moscow at the European Court of Human Rights over Russia's mass deportations of Georgians in the fall of 2006. The suit is the first involving any of the former Soviet states and could set a precedent for other CIS governments seeking redress from Moscow, or from each other.
The suit refers to the hundreds of Georgians in Russia who were rounded up in police raids, accused of immigration offenses, and loaded onto planes bound for Georgia. The deportations were part of a series of punitive measures taken by Moscow after the arrest in Tbilisi of four Russian intelligence officers on spying charges.
But for the Georgians involved -- many of whom had been legally living and working in Russia for years -- the expulsion was abrupt, bewildering, and hateful. One Georgian woman, who was living in Russia's Smolensk region, described her ordeal: "There was something wrong in our passports and we were immediately given 10 days to get out. They said, 'You're citizens of Georgia. Go to your Saakashvili,' and that's all. And so we bought a ticket to Baku and came here. It was hard. We'll be going to Tbilisi now."
According to the Georgian Foreign Ministry, more than 4,600 Georgians were evicted from Russia during this period. At least two died in Russian custody while awaiting deportation. One, a 58-year-old man, died of an asthma attack after failing to receive medical treatment in detention at a Moscow airport. More than a month later, a 51-year-old woman with a heart condition died in a detention center in the Russian capital where she had been held for six weeks. The deaths and the deportations were criticized by Western governments and international rights organization.
Now, says Besarion Bokhashvili, the Georgian envoy to the European Court for Human Rights, his country is taking Russia to court over what it says were massive human rights violations during the deportations. "The interstate application is mainly based on those thousands [of deportations] and numerous violations of human rights during the deportation process, which were carried out last autumn by the Russian authorities," Bokhashvili says.
In Russia, the Foreign Ministry branded the lawsuit a "propagandist fuss" and warned that the case was "bad news" for fragile ties between Georgia and Russia. But for Moscow, which has been facing -- and often losing -- a growing number of human rights cases brought by civilians in the Strasbourg court, the prospect of losing the first-ever interstate case between two post-Soviet states cannot be appealing.
Governments rarely chose to settle scores through the European Court of Human Rights. The court was created to systematize the way human rights complaints are brought against the 46 Council of Europe member states, all of which are party to the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, adopted by the council in 1950.
While tens of thousands of people file complaints against their countries with the court every year, the court has received only two dozen intergovernment lawsuit applications since its creation in 1959. Only three of these applications have resulted in verdicts.
Interstate cases "are a rather rare phenomenon," says court spokesman Rodrick Liddell. "It's not something that is entered into lightly, to bring an application against a fellow member state of the Council of Europe. One can easily understand why member states may feel considerable reluctance before entering into proceedings which are directed against one of their colleagues in the context of the Council of Europe. It's a rather clumsy weapon, in a sense."
In its first-ever interstate ruling, in 1978, the European Court of Human Rights found Britain guilty of mistreating Irish prisoners suspected of belonging to the Irish Republican Army, an armed group fighting British rule in Northern Ireland. British security forces had used interrogation techniques such as stress positions and sleep deprivation. The court ruled that the techniques could not be classified as torture, but were "inhuman and degrading."
Britain did not pay the prisoners any compensation, but said it would refrain from using similar techniques during interrogations. For Ireland, which did not request compensation, the satisfaction was in Britain's public acknowledgement that it used inappropriate force in its interrogations.
Liddell says that while the European Court can make recommendations about possible settlements following a verdict in an interstate case, final decisions about recompense are left to the two states themselves.
In 2000, the court ruled in favor of Denmark, which accused Turkish authorities of torturing one of its citizens while in detention. Afterward, the court facilitated a friendly settlement between the two governments under which Turkey acknowledged the use of torture and agreed to take part in a Council of Europe police-training program. And in 2001, the court convicted Turkey of a range of violations, including ill-treatment and disappearances, against the population of Northern Cyprus. A settlement for that case is still under discussion.
The publicity surrounding such an interstate lawsuit can be extremely punishing for the defendant country. But Philip Leach, the director of the European Human Rights Advocacy Center at London Metropolitan University and the author of "Taking a Case to the European Court of Human Rights," says diplomatic etiquette shouldn't deter countries from seeking redress in Strasbourg.
"States seem to be very reluctant to take other states to the European court; it's deemed to be an unfriendly act, and so perhaps they're worried about reprisals. It's very rare and I think that's regrettable," Leach says. "I think it's potentially an important part of the system of collective enforcement in Europe. States should be willing and able to challenge other states when there are human rights violations."
Georgia, at any rate, seems as unconcerned about etiquette as it is confident in victory. Justice Minister Gia Kavtaradze said last month that his country would lodge a lawsuit against Russia only if it was "100 percent sure" of winning.
Sopio Japaridze, a lawyer at Georgia's Young Lawyers' Association, told RFE/RL's Georgian Service that she thought that European court will rule that violations have taken place. "There are enough documented facts that the rights of Georgians on Russian territory have been violated," she said.
The Young Lawyers' Association has helped 17 Georgian deportees file complaints in the European Court of Human Rights. These individual complaints are attached to the Georgian government's case.
It remains to be seen whether the Strasbourg court will accept the Georgian lawsuit as having sufficient evidence to merit a ruling. If the court agrees to hear the case, it may be three years or more before Tbilisi can expect a verdict.
(RFE/RL Georgian Service correspondent Nona Mchedlishvili contributed to this report.)
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 63, Part I, 4 April 2007.) |
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alazaro
Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 08 agosto 2007 : 20:49:43
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BOOK -- LLIBRE -- LIBRO -- LIVRE
Katz, Rebecca S.
The Georgian Regime Crisis of 2003-2004
A Case Study in Post-Soviet Media Representation of Politics, Crime and Corruption
SPPS Band 30
The Republic of Georgia remains characterized by an unstable socio-political economy and by gross levels of economic inequality, corruption, ineffective policing, a weak judiciary, and a limited free and independent press. Currently, sixty-five percent of the population continue to live under the poverty level thus facilitating participation in crime and corruption to survive economically. Following initial independence from the Soviet Union separatist and nationalistic movements, resulting in the secession of several regions and the creation of hundreds of thousands of internally displaced Georgians. Georgia's post-soviet history included violent political purges, including inter-political party violence, bomb attacks, and murders. Official corruption remains problematic and includes individuals at all levels of government. This exploratory narrative analysis of media coverage of crime, corruption, and politics in post-Soviet Georgia illuminates the early development of a free press while reflecting Georgian attitudes about politics and corruption. The analysis includes pre-election newspaper coverage of the November 2003 parliamentary poll beginning in late August 2003, the Rose Revolution in November 2003, resulting in the resignation of President Eduard Shevardnadze, and the socio-economic and socio-political events preceding and following the election of new President Mikhail Saakashvili from January 2004 through the end of March 2004.
Ibidem Verlag
Paperback. 2006
372 Seiten
ISBN 3-89821-413-3
ISSN 1614-3515
+ info: http://shop.strato.de/epages/Store8.sf/?ObjectPath=/Shops/61235722/Products/3-89821-413-3 |
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alazaro
Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 15 agosto 2007 : 00:27:55
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Georgia external debt $1.7bn
Galt & taggart
August 14, 2007
Total amount of Georgia's foreign debt and state-guaranteed loans was US$ 1.7 billion as of 31 July 2007 according to the data released by the Ministry of Finance.
Georgia currently has 15 countries-bilateral creditors. The key lenders to Georgia are:
Austria (US$ 1.9 million), Azerbaijan (US$ 14.5 million), Turkmenistan (US$ 21.3 million), Turkey (US$ 50.5 million), Iran (US$ 11.4 million), Russia (US$ 132.2 million), USA (US$ 41.4 million), Armenia (US$ 17.6 million), Uzbekistan (US$ 386 thousand), Ukraine (US$ 353 thousand), Kazakhstan (US$ 27.7 million), Germany (US$ 156.7 million), Japan (US$ 44.7 million), Kuwait (US$ 14.5 million) and Netherlands (US$ 5.2 million).
Georgia also owes US$ 1.2 billion to international financial institutions and organisations.
The main creditors here are the International Monetary Fund - US$ 238.5 million (with the National Bank of Georgia being the main beneficiary of these funds used mainly for beefing up country's foreign currency reserves); the World Bank - US$ 837.7 million; the International Fund of Agricultural Development - US$ 10.6 million and the European Union - US$ 78.6 million.
The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) is also among Georgia's largest creditors with the state guaranteed loans in the amount of US$ 15.6 million.
(Source: BussinessNerEurope / bne Eurasia Daily List, 14.08.2007.) |
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Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 18 agosto 2007 : 00:32:25
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Steps and Stumbles
by Vasili Rukhadze
TRANSITIONS ONLINE
14 August 2007
After significant educational reforms lifted Georgia from decades of corruption and chaos, the country still faces challenges. But it is determined to press on.
As the last millennium drew to a close, Georgia’s once-excellent educational system, which nurtured mathematicians, doctors, philosophers, and historians in the early 20th century, was clearly on the decline. Even with a nearly 100 percent adult literacy rate, Georgia was not producing many professionals. It was instead suffering the effects of Soviet control and subsequent years of war and corruption.
Now, with various reforms under way, the future of Georgian education appears bright.
New institutions and enriched courses are helping Georgian students get their foot in the door of globalizing markets. “You can be sure that after graduation the business world is open to you, not only in the South Caucasus but elsewhere in the world,” said Koba Gogsadze, who plans to apply to the business school at Caucasus University in the capital city of Tbilisi.
Still, improvements haven’t arrived without problems. Ideological divides have grown between earlier generations of academics and their successors. Moreover, the fledgling democratic educational system is hobbled by financial constraints, curriculum debates, finding ways to assist students who cannot attend universities, and a dearth of qualified teachers.
A CLEAN SLATE
The Soviet legacy and later collapse of state institutions in Georgia produced an educational system plagued by corruption, nepotism, centralization, and a lack of qualified teachers and professors. In the 1990s, as the new state scrambled to get on its feet, hundreds of private, low-quality schools with titles like “university” and “institute” sprang up. Many held classes in old public school buildings’ basements. They charged students substantial amounts of money but granted diplomas backed by little meaningful knowledge.
The civil wars of the decade also contributed to the educational backslide, as thousands of unskilled Georgians fled to different parts of the world in search of jobs.
After the 2003 Rose Revolution, however, the situation began to change dramatically. Under the World Bank Education Reform Program, the Georgian government launched far-reaching reforms in 2004 that are ongoing. The effort has four main goals: to accredit institutions of higher education, to change curricula, to establish a new national entrance examination system for higher education, and to license teachers. Funding for the program’s first phase (2001-2008) amassed to roughly 18.8 million euros.
According to Georgia’s Department of Statistics, 172 private and 26 public universities were assessed for accreditation soon after the World Bank reforms began. Of those, the Ministry of Education and Science listed only 83 private and 16 public institutions (including their affiliated branches in the regions) as accredited in the 2006-2007 academic year.
One of the best among of the newly accredited schools is Caucasus University’s business school. In partnership with Georgia State University in the United States and Grenoble Graduate School of Business in France, the school grants degrees to future business executives. Many of its professors were educated in Europe or the United States, and its curriculum is patterned on those of Western business schools.
Other new schools, such as the Georgian Institute of Public Affairs, the Black Sea University, and the Zurab Zhvania School of Public Administration, have gained public respect as well.
Georgian students wishing to enter such colleges and universities are now required to take the United National Entrance Examination. The computerized exam tests applicants on logical and analytical thinking, as well as general academic knowledge. Each test is corrected by two trained, independent graders. A third grader looks at the exam if the two initial scores vary greatly, and students may appeal the results.
The new exam process stands in stark contrast to communist pen-and-paper testing, and the corruption that often accompanied it.
Rather than taking obligatory courses only, students may now choose courses in various subjects, so long as they fulfill graduation requirements. More academic hours in elementary and secondary schools are devoted to foreign languages and computer science. Classes are often taught on a semester basis, instead of a yearly one, and schools have started emphasizing students’ critical thinking skills.
“I see that today’s students are much more motivated and disciplined than the students eight to ten years ago. They know that they are spending money and time for their education, and they want to get something valuable out of it,” said Zviad Abashidze, an assistant professor of political science at Tbilisi State University and a graduate of Krakow University in Poland. “Students now speak English and another foreign language and are much more computer savvy than anybody in the previous Georgian generation. They don’t have vast general knowledge, but they possess very good knowledge in whatever subject they specialize in.”
Schools have also gained more autonomy. The government has introduced a financing system that gives elementary and high schools, based on numbers of students enrolled, vouchers to be used for academic and administrative purposes. Moreover, in July the Ministry of Education stopped appointing school principals. Soon after, some 1,500 public schools across the country elected new principals, by vote of panels consisting of teachers, parents, and students.
“A pupil in a democratic school is no longer a means; he or she is a goal, not an ideologically brainwashed citizen, but a free citizen capable of critical thinking, [who] will be nurtured in a new school,” Education Minister Kakha Lomaia told the online magazine Civil Georgia in July. “Parents, teachers, and pupils have been delegated all the authority necessary to lead and further develop schools; the state will no longer be engaged in everyday, routine management of schools.”
PROBLEMS OLD AND NEW
But amid the reforms, controversies have arisen.
Many communist-era academic departments at colleges and universities have been closed or merged. Some large public institutions were subsumed within newly accredited universities.
Thousands of academic and administrative positions were abolished. Starting in 2004, all elementary and high school instructors were required to take rigorous academic-professional tests in order to retain their jobs. Many failed and lost their positions.
As of 2008 the Ministry of Education will introduce national compulsory licensing for teachers, setting even higher standards.
Tough job-entrance examinations accompanied the creation of new jobs and the opening of old ones. Many professionals educated in Europe and in the United States filled the vacancies.
The consolidation of institutions and struggle for jobs created rifts between old and young academics. Abashidze noted that there is backlash among many instructors employed during the communist era – or “red professors” – who are unhappy about the reforms.
“Not everything is sunny and rosy at our institutions,” added Katie Chackiani, who worked at Georgia’s Liberty Institute with “Universities Without Corruption,” a now-concluded campaign to fight educational corruption. “The old academia has not changed; they are there and they fight back. They oppose any changes and they are threatening progress and reforms. … It’s very sad.”
Financial hurdles, too, have had to be overcome. In both the communist era and the 1990s, public education was free, but the introduction of reforms included a requirement that students pay tuition.
At Caucasus University’s School of Business, tuition per course in the master’s of business administration program is about 290 euros, and the full cost of the dual MBA program is 10,700 euros. These are large sums by Georgian standards. “But it’s worth the investment,” Gogsadze, the future business student, said.
To help the most qualified students and those who can’t afford their tuition, the government has introduced 8,000 scholarships. According to the Department of Statistics, of the 19,749 students registered in 2006 at Georgian universities, about 42 percent were awarded complete or partial state education grants.
Still, along with some students’ decisions to study abroad, join the armed forces, or go straight to vocational school, the reduced number of colleges, tougher entrance exam, and new tuition fees are contributing to a declining number of higher-education students. The figure dropped from 153,300 in 2004 to 140,800 in 2006. Georgia now faces the dual challenge of helping some students pay their way through school and providing others with alternative job training opportunities.
A benefit of charging tuition and abolishing extraneous jobs, however, has been the availability of money to increase of professors’ salaries at public universities. According to several professors, some monthly salaries gradually rose from about 33 euros to about 163 euros over a three-year period.
“It’s still not much money in Georgia, but at least you can survive doing what you like,” Abashidze said.
But other problems persist. For instance, roughly 90 percent of higher education institutions are concentrated in Tbilisi. These colleges and universities draw youth from the regions to the capital, where many remain after they graduate, thus emptying the provinces of qualified young professionals who are crucial to regional development.
The educational system also has yet to introduce formalized, well-structured Georgian language instruction to children and youth in the Azeri, Ossetian, Armenian, and Abkhaz populated regions of the country. In those areas, many youth are still taught in ethnic languages. At stake is the integration of various minorities into the mainstream life of Georgia.
“We lack intensive study programs for beginning learners of the Georgian language in elementary and high schools,” said Shalva Tabatadze, president of the Tbilisi-based Center for Civil Integration and Inter-Ethnic Relations. “There are too few academic hours for Georgian language. And on top of that, [many] students live in an entirely non-Georgian environment, thus complicating the learning process.”
Others point out that while improvements have been crucial to revitalizing Georgian education, they simply aren’t coming fast enough and could prove unsustainable. “We see that the government is trying hard to reform this once-broken system, and really we have achieved a lot in the last three to four years,” said Manana Shatirishvili, a young high school teacher in the southeastern city of Rustavi. “But there are problems, too. There is a dearth of good teachers. Young people are not very motivated to become teachers, there is not much money in it, and it’s not considered a prestigious job. … Many schools in the villages still don’t have computers and the proper equipment for an academic year. In some provinces of the country the Internet is very slow.”
Indeed, many educational challenges remain. Improving teachers’ image and training, integrating minorities, providing opportunities for students who don’t gain entrance to universities, and mitigating tensions between academic generations are difficult but key steps in the next phase of change.
Nonetheless, Abashidze and others are confident that with more time, resources, and resolve, Georgia’s maturing educational system will be able to grasp its reforms securely and continue on its progressive path.
“This is a fight between the old and new Georgia. The old one did not work, and there is no going back,” Abashidze said.
Vasili Rukhadze is a freelance journalist who writes on Georgia and the Caucasus. He is currently a visiting scholar at Columbia University in New York.
(http://www.tol.cz/look/TOL/article_single.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=4&NrIssue=231&NrSection=4&NrArticle=
18909&ST1=ad&ST_T1=job&ST_AS1=1&ST2=body&ST_T2=letter&ST_AS2=1&ST3=text&ST_T3=aatol&ST_AS3=1&ST_max=3) |
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Enviado - 11 septiembre 2007 : 20:25:43
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GEORGIAN PARLIAMENT APPROVES NEW CABINET
The Georgian parliament endorsed on September 7 by a vote of 133 in favor and one against the new cabinet line-up proposed one week earlier by Prime Minister Zurab Noghaideli, Caucasus Press reported.
The cabinet includes three new ministers: Aleksandre Khetaguri (power engineering), Davit Chantladze (environment and natural resources), and Ekaterine Tkeshelashvili (justice). Former Energy Minister Nika Gilauri takes over as finance minister, former Environment and Natural Resources Minister Davit Tkeshelashvili takes over as minister of labor and social services.
Noghaideli told the parliament on September 7 that the government's primary goal is to secure the peaceful restoration of Georgia's territorial integrity, Prime-News reported. Speaking the same day in Adjara, President Mikheil Saakashvili again dismissed as irresponsible and irrelevant opposition criticism of the cabinet composition and its amended program, Caucasus Press reported. He said the new government program is geared towards "strengthening Georgia," and that ministers' actions will demonstratively prove their competence.
LF
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 167, Part I, 10 September 2007.)
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Enviado - 20 septiembre 2007 : 23:26:29
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As Georgia reforms, judiciary under scrutiny
The treason verdict of opposition leader Maia Topuria, now under appeal, is seen as a test of the ex-Soviet republic's efforts to improve its courts
By Daria Vaisman | Correspondent, Tbilisi, Georgia
The Christian Science Monitor
from the September 17, 2007 edition
Since being arrested last year for plotting to overthrow the government, Maia Topuria and 11 other Georgian opposition members were tried in a closed courtroom for high treason. Accused of recruiting paid demonstrators to help stage a violent takeover of parliament, they were found guilty on Aug. 24.
Ms. Topuria, the niece of Igor Giorgadze – a Georgian living in Russia who is wanted on charges of attempting to assassinate then-president Eduard Shevardnadze in 1995 – and a leader of his party was sentenced to 8-1/2 years.
The case has played out against a backdrop of simmering tensions between a resurgent Russia and Georgia, with Topuria and her fellow defendants widely despised at home. But legal and human rights experts see the case, now under appeal, as a test of judicial reform in one of the most promising former Soviet states.
"Georgia has made strides that you simply won't find in other countries," says Christopher Walker, director of studies at Freedom House, a New York-based watchdog group. "But the judiciary stands as an exception that is a thorn in the side of the country's larger reform ambitions," he says.
Topuria's defense team alleges foul play by the prosecution, which denies such charges. Two key witness statements had nearly identical phrasing, the defense says, and surveillance footage shows a witness at work at the same time that the prosecution said he was giving his witness statement in a closed court.
Larry Barcella, one of the defense lawyers, who has experience in trials dealing with state secrets, adds that the court's reason for closing the case – protection of state secrets – was groundless. "During the entire trial, there was never one scrap of evidence presented that could be considered a state secret," says Mr. Barcella.
The prosecution wrote in a statement that the defendants' testimonies were "invented for the purpose of evading the responsibility" awaiting them and said the testimonies were "irrelevant" to the case.
When Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili took over in 2004, he used a mixture of legislation and extended executive control to try to reform numerous corrupt sectors. But critics worry that those same methods, now applied to the judicial system, have weakened the country's checks and balances.
"We have a huge problem with the independence of the judiciary," says Giorgi Chkheidze, head of Georgian Young Lawyers Association, a legal watchdog group based in the Georgian capital, Tbilisi. "It's a crisis situation," he says.
A 2006 Freedom House report stated that the judiciary "rarely makes decisions that run counter to the will of the executive." Of almost 17,000 individuals taken to court last year, only 37 were acquitted – a conviction rate of nearly 99.8 percent. By comparison, the 2006 bench conviction rate in the US was 64 percent, according to the Administrative Office of the US Courts.
"How you deal with the judiciary in a post-repressive state is very complicated," says Brian Grodsky, a political science professor at the University of Maryland who specializes in post-communist democratization. "Certainly other states have handled the courts more cautiously, though."
Georgian officials defend the state's tough line. "There was a significant cleanup of the judiciary, and at the same time there is a move towards real judicial independence," says Giga Bokeria, deputy head of the Georgian parliament's legal committee, listing measures that have contributed to more independence: higher salaries for judges to discourage corruption; revocation of a law allowing the disciplinary body to sue judges for unpopular decisions; a new law prohibiting lawyer-judge contact outside the courtroom; and the introduction of a jury system next year.
In a bid to bolster the judiciary, Saakashvili was recently removed from the board of the High Council of Justice, which appoints and dismisses judges. Yet criticism of the judicial system has centered on executive control over the judiciary, such as subjective appointment and dismissal of judges, arrests without probable cause, and extended pretrial detention.
In 2005, for example, the government encouraged Supreme Court judges to resign for taking bribes or other reasons. Several of them, backed by advocacy and legal groups, said they'd been pushed out for political reasons.
Bokeria argues such measures were necessary to remove notorious judges. "There was hard-core evidence of bribe-taking," he says.
And others add that significant reforms over the past few months – spurred in part by the country's desire to join NATO, which has made judicial reform a requirement for Georgia's membership bid – have strengthened the judiciary by raising standards for judges and decreasing presidential control.
Exams for aspiring judges have become more competitive, with only 176 of 1,000 passing in 2005. And now the names of those who pass the written test will be posted online to dispel concerns that judges are chosen subjectively. Since 2006, judges have also been required to complete a 14-month training program, designed with help from the Council of Europe.
But many Georgians say they are wary of the courts. Only the mafia ranked lower in a February survey conducted by the International Republican Institute, an international NGO that promotes rule of law.
While Saakashvili admitted that the judicial system was Georgia's "most problematic sector" in April, his supporters say that criticism has been unfairly harsh.
"Nobody expects that the judiciary will be improved in a day or a year," says Giorgi Meladze, a program director at Liberty Institute, a local NGO in Tbilisi that works closely with the government.
Compared with its neighbors, which rank among the lowest worldwide on judicial independence and other markers of democracy, Georgia stands out as markedly improved. Yet others insist that if Georgia has more ambitious goals than its neighbors, then it deserves more scrutiny as well.
"Our main problem is that the West says that Georgia is doing well compared to its neighbors," says attorney Tinatin Khidasheli of the opposition Republican Party. "But since we have the ambition of joining NATO and the European community, it puts us in a different position."
(Full HTML version of this story which may include photos, graphics, and related links: http://www.csmonitor.com/2007/0917/p07s02-woeu.htm)
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Enviado - 20 septiembre 2007 : 23:54:22
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GEORGIAN PARLIAMENT APPROVES PLANNED ARMY EXPANSION
Georgia's parliament approved on September 14 by a vote of 131 to seven a bill on armed forces manpower that provides for creating an additional fifth brigade numbering 2,500 men, Caucasus Press reported. That move would bring the total strength of the armed forces to 32,000, which is more than twice the optimum figure of 13,000-15,000 recommended in its report for 2005 by the International Security Advisory Board. Meanwhile, the parliamentary Defense and Security Committee approved on September 10, and the legislature is scheduled to vote on September 25 on, a proposed 315 million-lari ($190.4 million) increase in budget funding for the military in 2007. Responding on September 7 to opposition criticism of that proposed increase, Prime Minister Zurab Noghaideli said the armed forces constitute a priority for the state and will receive as much funding as they need, Caucasus Press reported.
LF
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 172, Part I, 17 September 2007.)
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Enviado - 21 septiembre 2007 : 21:48:59
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GEORGIAN PARLIAMENT APPROVES EXPANSION OF ARMED FORCES
By Liz Fuller and Richard Giragosian
Georgia's parliament voted overwhelmingly on September 14 to adopt a bill aimed at enlarging the country's armed forces by forming an additional fifth brigade numbering 2,500 men. That move would raise the total manpower of the Georgian armed forces to 32,000, which is more than twice the optimum figure of 13,000-15,000 initially recommended in the 2005 assessment conducted by the U.S. State Department's International Security Advisory Board (ISAB) at the request of the Georgian government.
Meanwhile, the parliament's Defense and Security Committee also approved an increase in defense spending, which the full Georgian parliament is widely expected to adopt in a vote set for September 25. The proposed rise in Georgian defense spending, the latest in several such increases over the last few years, calls for a 315 million-lari ($190.4 million) increase in funding for the military in 2007, making defense spending the largest category of state budgetary expenditures.
Both the planned expansion of the Georgian armed forces and the continued increase in defense spending are justified by some Georgian officials as a necessity in light of a broader military buildup in the region. That argument points to the meager size of the Georgian Army in contrast to its neighbors, a comparison that, at least on paper, is borne out by the fact that Azerbaijan's Army is nearly three times larger and even small Armenia has an army roughly double the size of the Georgian force. The dramatic increases in defense spending in the region in the past few years, most notably in the case of Azerbaijan's current $1 billion defense budget, are also cited as an important factor driving Georgian military planning.
On the other hand, Georgia is not at risk of attack from either Armenia or Azerbaijan. Moreover, many experts argue that the trend toward a significantly larger Georgian military is neither particularly prudent nor beneficial for the country's unique security needs. For example, in conformity with the expert advice of the ISAB, the Georgian leadership agreed in the late 1990s to slash the armed forces' manpower and to move instead to create a smaller, more mobile army that would conform more closely to NATO standards.
The army was duly downsized from approximately 38,000 men to some 20,000 in early 2004, primarily by reducing ancillary, noncombat personnel. But the team of young politicians headed by Mikheil Saakashvili, who came to power in the wake of the November 2003 Rose Revolution, set about reversing that trend.
Visiting Washington in June 2005, then-Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili first suggested that it may be "necessary" to increase the number of active-duty personnel substantially, by adding an additional infantry brigade to the army's existing four. In its report for 2005 (issued on March 14), the ISAB noted that plans for a four-brigade structure plus an increased reserve force "represent an increase of 25-30 percent on earlier planning figures" as laid out in the Individual Partnership Action Plan (IPAP) agreed with NATO in 2004, and thus "raise questions of affordability."
Rather than proceed immediately to create a new fifth brigade, Tbilisi focused in 2005-06 on an ambitious program, launched in the fall of 2004, to train thousands of reservists who could be mobilized in an emergency. Initially, it was planned to train 15,000-20,000 reservists by the end of 2005, Saakashvili was quoted as saying in January of that year; by August 2006, he said 50,000 men (and women) had already undergone training, and that the total number of reservists should be doubled to at least 100,000.
But some military experts derided that proposal as unworkable and unnecessary. For example, Kakha Katsitadze, a former head of the strategic planning department of the armed forces General Staff, predicted that it would prove impossible to train that many reservists; he also said the three-week training period they are required to undergo is painfully inadequate, according to Caucasus Press on August 12, 2006.
However, the Georgian parliament went ahead and enacted legislation in December 2006 that required all men between the ages of 27-40 to perform 18 days compulsory military training every second year. That legislation went into effect in March 2007. At the same time, National Guard commander Colonel Nika Djandjgava, extended the time frame for completing the training of a 100,000-strong reservist force until 2012, training 20,000 annually, according to Civil Georgia on March 9.
It remains unclear why Georgia has moved at this juncture to increase its armed forces, especially in light of hopes to progress at the NATO summit in Bucharest in April 2009 from Intensified Dialogue with NATO to a Membership Action Plan (MAP). The MAP is regarded as the final phase before a formal invitation to join the alliance is forthcoming, although it is not a watertight guarantee that such an invitation will be issued within a specific time frame: Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia embarked on MAPs prior to the 2004 NATO summit.
In 2005, then-Georgian Defense Minister Okruashvili explained the decision to increase the strength of the armed forces in terms of the presence of some 1,000 Georgian troops in Iraq as part of the international peacekeeping force there. But on September 14 -- the same day that the parliament signed off on the increase -- Defense Minister Davit Kezerashvili announced that Georgia will begin reducing its contingent in Iraq in 2008, Imedi TV reported.
As for the additional 315 million laris in funding for the armed forces, Prime Minister Zurab Noghaideli told parliament it will be used to bring the Georgian Army into compliance with NATO standards. Deputy Defense Minister Vera Dzneladze was more explicit: Caucasus Press on September 8 quoted her as saying that it will be used to build a new military base in Khoni, western Georgia, which will house the planned fifth brigade; to set up a blood bank at the Gori military hospital; for the purchase of munitions, communications systems, and military aircraft; and on the reconstruction of the airfield at Kopitnari, west of Kutaisi.
Thus, taken together, Georgia's decision to increase both army manpower and defense spending raises the question whether Georgia is really interested in complying with NATO standards. Some commentators have suggested that, instead, Georgia's military buildup could be connected to plans to launch a military campaign to regain its breakaway regions of Abkhazia or South Ossetia, or even both.
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 174, Part I, 19 September 2007.) |
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Enviado - 24 septiembre 2007 : 23:16:06
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GEORGIA VENTS FRUSTRATION WITH UN, OSCE
Nina Akhmeteli
Eurasia Insight
Sept. 20, 2007
Georgian ire over recent statements coming out of the United Nations and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe underscores the limits of Tbilisi’s long-standing strategy to use international organizations as a counterweight to Russian influence in the conflict zones of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
With President Mikheil Saakashvili scheduled to address the UN General Assembly in New York on September 26, Georgia’s troubles with the UN and OSCE could come into sharper focus. On September 6, Saakashvili responded to a recommendation by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon that Georgia move a patriotic youth camp away from the border with Abkhazia, calling it “amoral and meager.”
“We do not ask for such advice,” Saakashvili retorted, in remarks broadcast by Georgian television. The Georgian leader went on to question the effectiveness of efforts undertaken by the “UN and other organizations” to promote lasting peace in Abkhazia, specifically in promoting the return of tens of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs). UN officials were not available for comment, though facilitating IDP return is a long-stated goal of the organization.
Saakashvili will devote a considerable portion of his UN address to the situations in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, along with a mysterious missile incident an August, according to presidential spokesperson Dmitri Kitoshvili.
State Minister for Conflict Resolution Davit Bakradze maintains that, despite its criticism of recent UN comments, Tbilisi remains intent on securing more active UN participation in conflict resolution in the breakaway Black Sea region. Tbilisi has been waging an aggressive campaign to have international peacekeepers replace Russian peacekeepers in Abkhazia. “We demand the same that we’ve always demanded in recent years: to have more intense international policy and involvement,” Bakradze told EurasiaNet.
Officials in Tbilisi suggest Russian obstructionism has helped prevent international organizations from intensifying peace-keeping and peace-building activities in the Caucasus. State Minister for Euro-Atlantic Integration Issues Giorgi Baramidze believes that Russia’s veto power within the UN Security Council, and its overall “strong position” within the organization, played a significant role in shaping the UN’s stance on the patriotic youth camp.
Many government officials in Tbilisi are similarly convinced that Moscow influenced the OSCE to shy away from pursuing an investigation into the August missile incident. In a September 6 report, the organization’s special envoy, Miomir Zuzul, stated that it was “extremely difficult to have a clear picture” of the events surrounding the August 6 event. A group of foreign experts determined that the missile was fired by a jet that flew out of Russian territory. “Very often both the OSCE and the UN can’t say the truth that is evident for many others,” charged Baramidze.
Local analysts agree. “The OSCE has tense relations with Moscow and it tried to be politically correct towards Russia,’ said Zurab Abashidze, vice-president of the Georgian Council on Foreign Relations. Alexander Rondeli, president of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies, maintains that the Kremlin’s ability to block funding for OSCE programs also plays a role. OSCE officials did respond to the criticism in time for this story.
One local observer argues that Tbilisi’s interests would be better served if it engaged in direct talks with the de facto Abkhaz and South Ossetian leaderships, rather than waiting for international organizations to take action. “Russia has a strong position in both international organizations and the only way for us to neutralize Russia is to have bilateral negotiations with the other side of the conflict,” said Shalva Pichkhadze, chairman of Georgia for NATO, a non-governmental organization.
While dissatisfaction with the UN and OSCE seems to mount in Tbilisi, Georgians are increasingly hopeful that national security will receive a boost from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. In a September 18 interview with the daily Rezonansi (Resonance), Foreign Minister Gela Bezhuashvili stated that the administration believes “a political decision” will be made about Georgia’s NATO membership in time for the 2008 NATO summit in Bucharest, Romania.
“Further integration into NATO will be the best solution for conflict resolution,” Bakradze, the state minister, told a visiting delegation from NATO’s Parliamentary Assembly, news outlets reported. “And a MAP [Membership Action Plan] for us will be a signal of political support.”
The extent to which NATO’s own interests mirror Georgian expectations, however, remains a matter for some debate within policy circles. To date, the Brussels-based alliance has walked a careful line. In April 2007, its Parliamentary Assembly stated that neither Russia nor the South Ossetian and Abkhaz separatist leaders should be allowed to “thwart Georgia’s goals, particularly if Georgia is acting in good faith to resolve the conflicts.” Georgian officials naturally would like NATO to toughen its line. Bakradze, for example, told the NATO Parliamentary Assembly delegation: “To have an institutional response to Russia’s aggression is a matter of European security.”
Editor’s Note: Nina Akhmeteli is a freelance reporter based in Tbilisi.
(From EURASIANET.org - http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav092007a_pr.shtml) |
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Enviado - 04 octubre 2007 : 14:33:15
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FORMER GEORGIAN DEFENSE MINISTER ARRESTED AS OFFICIAL EXPLAINS
CRIMINAL CASE AGAINST FORMER MINISTER
In a special police operation, former Georgian Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili was arrested late on September 27 in the office of his recently established For A United Georgia party, Rustavi-2 TV and Imedi-TV reported.
In a televised announcement following the arrest, Deputy Prosecutor-General Nikoloz Gvaramia said that Okruashvili was charged with "extortion, money laundering, abuse of office, and negligence."
Speaking outside Interior Ministry headquarters, Eka Beselia, a lawyer for the former defense minister, told reporters that her client "maintains his total innocence" and limited his statements to interrogators to only repeating that he was "a political prisoner." She added that Okruashvili's Tbilisi home was being searched and that, in violation of the law, another one of his lawyers was not being allowed to enter the house.
In a sensational press conference in Tbilisi on September 25, the former defense minister accused President Saakashvili of "corruption and injustice" and "political killings," adding that he could not exclude the possibility that the Georgian authorities will engineer his assassination. President Saakashvili dismissed Okruashvili in 2006.
In comments televised live throughout Georgia, Deputy Prosecutor-General Gvaramia told reporters on September 27 that if found guilty of the charges, Okruashvili could face up to 25 years in prison, Rustavi-2 reported. He also detailed the case against the former minister, explaining that the arrest of Okruashvili followed an investigation that was "under way in the Georgian Defense Ministry over the past several months" and that resulted in the recent arrest of the former Defense Ministry logistics chief and criminal charges against the head of military procurement. The official further said that the investigation "exposed" a pattern of corruption and crimes in the Defense Ministry, most notably including a January 2005 case involving then Defense Minister Okruashvili s conspiracy with Kibar Khalvashi, the former owner of the Rustavi-2 television station, to establish a construction company to gain preferential defense-related contracts.
A second case, from October and November 2006, allegedly involved Okruashvili s attempted extortion of shares in a cellular phone company form owner Jemal Svanidze. That case led to the recent arrest of Dimitri Kitoshvili, the Georgian president s former parliamentary secretary. In a long expected return to politics, Okruashvili recently announced the creation of a new opposition force intended to unify Georgia.
RG
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THOUSANDS RALLY IN SUPPORT OF IMPRISONED MINISTER
Taking to the streets in reaction to the arrest of former Georgian Defense Minister Okruashvili the night before, several thousand protestors gathered on September 28 to stage a demonstration against the government, RFE/RL s Georgian Service reported.
Responding to the demonstration, Giga Bokeria, a parliamentarian and close ally of President Saakashvili, warned that the Georgian authorities would "resort to force" if the protests turn violent.
Meanwhile, Georgian Deputy Prosecutor-General Gvaramia reported on September 28 that the case against Okruashvili was bolstered by new evidence provided by former presidential spokesman Dimitri Kitoshvili, who decided to cooperate with investigators after his arrest on corruption charges in an extortion case linked to Okruashvili involving a cellular telephone company.
In exchange for his testimony, Kitoshvili was released on bail is expected to receive a favorable sentence in consideration of his cooperation.
RG
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 181, Part I, 1 October 2007.)
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Enviado - 04 octubre 2007 : 16:37:52
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Protests Over Opposition Figure’s Arrest
In just a few days a former minister in Saakashvili’s government has become the most controversial man
in Georgia and may have sparked an opposition movement
by Elizabeth Owen and Molly Corso
TRANSITIONS ONLINE (From EurasiaNet)
1 October 2007
[Just two days after officially announcing what had become an open secret – that he was forming an opposition party to compete against President Mikheil Saakashvili’s government – former Georgian Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili was arrested on 27 September on charges of extortion, money laundering, and other crimes. On 29 September a court ordered Okruashvili to spend two months in pretrial detention. On 30 September, a grouping of opposition forces including Okruashvili’s Movement for a United Georgia met to forge a common strategy. Meanwhile, Saakashvili rejected his former minister’s accusations of corruption, saying, “He accused us of what is most unacceptable … the kind of thing which we have never done and would never and could never have done.” – TOL]
The surprise 27 September arrest of former Defense Minister Irakli Okruashvili has inspired opposition leaders to create a national movement against the government of Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili.
A crowd of several thousand protesters turned up outside parliament in downtown Tbilisi on 28 September to express solidarity with Okruashvili and call for his release. Demonstrators also demanded that the Saakashvili administration respect human rights and uphold the rule of law.
In a series of emotional speeches, opposition leaders, joined by former Minister for Conflict Resolution Goga Khaindrava, denounced Okruashvili’s arrest as politically motivated. The charges brought against Okruashvili, once a close Saakashvili ally, came two days after the former defense minister accused the president and government of crimes ranging from murder conspiracy to corruption, and announced the creation of an opposition party, Movement for a United Georgia.
In comments to EurasiaNet, Tina Khidasheli, one of the leaders of the opposition Republican Party, said that opposition parties plan to take their campaign nationwide in response to the government’s actions.
"Our plans are entirely peaceful. We will start a movement all around the country," Khidasheli said. "It will be an electoral revolution. We have the people for this."
A written statement from Okruashvili urged protestors to "fight for your rights" and continue the struggle against Saakashvili "through legal means," an English-language translation posted on Civil.ge read.
Most main opposition parties joined the demonstration, including the radical Labor Party. The New Rights Party declined to take part, stating that they see little difference between Saakashvili and Okruashvili.
In a televised briefing the morning of the protest, National Movement Party parliamentarian Giga Bokeria stressed that the charges brought against the former minister were "legitimate" and warned protestors against "violent actions," adding that the government’s response would be "very harsh."
Under Georgia’s Criminal Code, Okruashvili has been charged with extortion (article 181), money laundering (article 194), abuse of office (article 332), and work negligence (article 342).
Television broadcasts showed the official charges being presented to Okruashvili. The former defense minister, appearing in casual clothes, did not speak on camera. Associates and other opposition members reported him to be in good spirits.
Late on 27 September, Okruashvili’s lawyer, Eka Beselia, a member of Okruashvili’s newly formed Movement for a United Georgia, told reporters that the former defense minister "maintains his total innocence" and asserts "that he is a political prisoner."
Prosecutors claim that in January 2005 Okruashvili, then defense minister, arranged with businessman Kibar Khalvashi, the former owner of Rustavi-2 Television, to form a construction company, International Building Company, that later received three defense ministry contracts worth some 140 million lari (roughly $85 million).
The government claims that a parallel investigation shows "misappropriation and embezzlement of several dozen million lari" by the Defense Ministry. The time period was not specified.
At the same time, the government has charged Okruashvili with money laundering for citing in tax documents an allegedly sub-market value for his party’s headquarters in downtown Tbilisi.
Investigators also charge that Okruashvili and "an organized group" in late 2006 worked with former presidential spokesperson Dmitri Kitoshvili, who was arrested on 25 September, to "extort" shares in the mobile communications company GeoCell at a below-market price. The shares, obtained from former company owner Jemal Svanidze, were worth 2.6 percent of the company’s overall capitalization, according to prosecutors.
Guram Gogua, the founder of ARTI Group, which oversees regional distributorships for Procter & Gamble, Gillette and Wella, among other consumer product firms, has also been sentenced to a two-month preliminary detention in connection with the GeoCell shares investigation. The company’s headquarters were sealed on 25 September.
Deputy General Prosecutor Nika Gvaramia has named Kitoshvili, a former law partner of Okruashvili, as the source for information about the alleged GeoCell deal. The ex-presidential spokesperson was released from jail on 28 September for his cooperation with investigators, Gvaramia said.
One member of Okruashvili’s party, however, said that Kitoshvili’s involvement was anticipated. Keti Makharashvili, a parliamentarian and former member of the National Movement Party, told EurasiaNet that Kitoshvili’s father reportedly approached Okruashvili on 26 or 27 September and "asked permission for Dmitri Kitoshvili to name him [to investigators], which he refused."
"They forced Dmitri Kitoshvili to put the finger to him," Makharashvili said. "That was the reason for [Kitoshvili’s] arrest."
The timing of Okruashvili’s arrest has sparked censure from some Tbilisi analysts.
"It means that the prosecutor general does not make the arrest as soon as it is known that [a crime has been committed]," said Giorgi Khutsishvili of Tbilisi’s International Center for Conflict Resolution. "The information is saved until the official becomes part of the opposition and then it is used against him."
"Regardless if Irakli Okruashvili is responsible for [the] possible crimes or accusations against him, right now he can be considered a political prisoner," he added.
Malkhaz Matsaberidze, a professor of political science at Tbilisi State University, agreed.
"This [arrest] is a mistake by the government," Matsaberidze commented. "If they wanted to arrest Okruashvili, they should have done it earlier."
The decision, however, was enough to convince some protest participants that the charges raised by Okruashvili against Saakashvili and his administration have merit. "If they hadn’t arrested him, it would have been difficult to say. But they arrested him. He was one of them. So that proved that he was right," argued 20-year-old Beka.
Deputy Parliamentary Speaker Mikheil Machavariani has stated that a request will be made to the prosecutor’s office for an investigation into the accusations brought by Okruashvili.
Other Tbilisi residents, however, expressed mixed reactions to the allegations, with the situation seen as an internal power struggle that had little to do with their lives. "They’re eating each other," said one newspaper vendor. "Okruashvili and Saakashvili can’t both exist and have the same ambition."
Saakashvili, who is currently in Greece, has made no comment on the case. A presidential spokesperson said that the Georgian leader is expected back in Tbilisi on 2 October and will leave again on 5 October for a Commonwealth of Independent States summit in Tajikistan.
Analysts Khutsishvili and Matsaberidze differ over the impact of Saakashvili’s ongoing silence about the arrest of his onetime political ally. While Khutsishvili termed the president’s ongoing absence and lack of commentary "disturbing," Matsaberidze argued that prominent Saakashvili supporters like Bokeria should handle the response.
"To respond in politics is to lose," he said.
Elizabeth Owen is EurasiaNet's Caucasus news editor in Tbilisi. Molly Corso is a freelance reporter, also based in Tbilisi. This is a partner post from EurasiaNet.
(http://www.tol.cz/look/TOL/article_single.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=4&NrIssue=237&NrSection=1&NrArticle=19031&ST1=ad&ST_T1
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Enviado - 10 octubre 2007 : 00:21:29
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GEORGIAN OPPOSITION RAISES THE HEAT
New coalition calls for release of jailed ex-defence minister, and answers from president
By Veriko Tevzadze in Tbilisi
The political temperature in Georgia is higher than at any time since the 2003 Rose Revolution, following the formation of a new opposition alliance in the wake of the arrest of former defence minister Irakli Okruashvili.
The Georgian authorities insist there is no political crisis, and have levelled further criminal charges against Okruashvili, who was arrested on 27 September.
The arrest of this former close ally of President Mikheil Saakashvili came after a series of lurid allegations in which Okruashvili accused the president of presiding over corruption and ordering the murder of media magnate Badri Patarkatsishvili.
He made the accusations during the televised launch of his new party, the Movement for a United Georgia, on September 25.
Returning home from a trip to the United Nations in New York, President Saakashvili described the accusations as "false," but did not give a detailed response to the claims.
"The author of these statements knows better than others that this is a lie," he said, adding that Okruashvili's arrest was part of an ongoing anti-corruption campaign and "has nothing to do with politics".
"There should be no untouchable people," said Saakashvili. "This is the way I govern and this is the way we govern - the supremacy of the law, and putting everyone who breaks the law where they belong."
Okruashvili was charged with extortion, money laundering, abuse of office and exceeding his professional authority when he was arrested. On October 3, Georgia’s general prosecutor's office added an additional accusation – that he engaged in the illegal procurement of aviation fuel for the defence ministry during his tenure as minister.
Opposition leaders claim the decision to arrest Okruashvili was made not by the prosecution service, but in a Paris restaurant where President Saakashvili, Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili, and Tbilisi mayor Gigi Ugulava were reportedly spotted sitting at the same table.
"I know this from an eyewitness, my friend who was in the café at the time,” Salome Zourabichvili, the leader of the opposition Georgia's Way and a former foreign minister, told IWPR. “It’s a small world. They thought no one would understand Georgian there, and they were speaking loudly."
The arrest has served as a catalyst for the opposition, uniting politicians who otherwise have little in common, including many who in the past were antagonists of Okruashvili.
Several different opposition parties united for a rally attended by 10,000 to 15,000 people outside the Georgian parliament on September 28 to call for "Georgia without a president" and "the release of political prisoner Okruashvili".
It was by far the biggest public protest since the bloodless Rose Revolution four years ago that brought Saakashvili to power.
Nine opposition parties and one non-governmental organisation have come together to form a movement which is calling for the Okruashvili’s release, an early parliamentary election. and constitutional changes to make Georgia into a parliamentary republic. The alliance consists of almost all the major opposition forces except the liberal New Rights party, which has refused to join.
"A European-type parliamentary republic without any bosses or messiahs should be created," Tina Khidasheli, one of the leaders of the opposition Republican Party, told IWPR.
In a joint statement, the still unnamed movement announced plans to stage a protest rally in Tbilisi on November 2, to be preceded by four weeks of campaigning across Georgia.
The events of the last week have inflicted damage on President Saakashvili, who until recently faced no large-scale political opposition.
Some voters say recent developments have shaken their confidence in the president.
“Of course I now see the authorities in a new light,” Nana Alania, 29, told IWPR. “Saakashvili has become a president facing accusations, and his statement was very general. We are still awaiting more precise answers from him about Okruashvili’s accusations. And he should also explain why Okruashvili was the second [most senior] person in the country, if he was as corrupt as they are now saying.”
Temur Svanidze, 63, said, “The Okruashvili case has confirmed only one thing – everyone in power today is corrupt, and they get forgiven only if they keep quiet and don’t go over to he opposition…. Now that I know this, how can I trust the president or the authorities?”
Others reserve their mistrust for the former defence minister.
“I definitely don’t believe a word of what Okruashvili said,” said Lia Archvadze, 56. “After these events, it’s actually my view of the opposition that’s changed. Before this, I didn’t respect them very much, but now I see that these are people who are prepared to do anything to win power – even to defend Okruashvili, who they said was a monster two days ago.”
Georgian political analyst Giorgi Khutsishvili argues that public confidence in the Saakashvili administration has taken a bad knock.
"The people have seen a picture that is not very pleasant,” he said. “The leader of a newly-created party has been arrested. Okruashvili's party office and his home were searched in breach of proper procedures, and that was followed by the persecution of businessmen who are on friendly terms with him. The reason is simple - the authorities suspect that these people are funding the new party.
“Voters are asking what happens next, and saying that the authorities are fighting not just their opponents, but those who support them. That shouldn’t be happening in a civilised country."
Another Georgian analyst Ghia Nodia said that the current crisis marks a "retreat for democracy" in Georgia insofar as it is eroding popular trust in politicians He said it would be hard for the authorities to convince people that Okruashvili’s arrest was not politically motivated.
At the same time, he said these events were a "normal process" for a country in a state of transitional democracy.
He also said that the coming together of opposition politicians, some of whom had been fierce critics of Okruashvili until recently, looked unconvincing.
The figure of Okruashvili – until his sacking last year the most hawkish member of the government -"is completely unsuited for the role of an innocent knight martyred for democracy," Nodia said.
Alexander Rondeli, head of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies, said that if further developments took “a civilised form”, there would be nothing to worry about. “However, if events unfold in an unacceptable manner, this will mean that we are politically backward," he said.
Rondeli warned that the crisis could hurt Georgia’s prospects of moving towards membership of international organisations like NATO.
One of the leaders of the Rose Revolution, parliamentary speaker Nino Burjanadze, also issued a veiled warning to the president. While roundly condemning Okruashvili and calling his allegations “absurd”, Burjanadze - who recently criticised a government reshuffle - said that the system for making official appointments was in need of “serious review and serious analysis”.
“The polarisation of interests between the authorities and society is absolutely unacceptable for this country, as are a polarisation between political parties and society or a polarisation between the authorities and the opposition,” she warned.
Khutsishvili argues that the best way to restore trust in the political process would be to set up an independent commission to investigate the accusations which Okruashvili levelled against President Saakashvili. He called last week’s opposition rally “a serious statement” that deserved a proper response.
"This country is waiting for specific answers to all the accusations,” he said.
Veriko Tevzadze is a correspondent for 24 Hours newspaper in Tbilisi.
(IWPR'S CAUCASUS REPORTING SERVICE, No. 413, October 5, 2007.) |
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Enviado - 19 octubre 2007 : 23:43:29
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GEORGIAN OPPOSITION RELEASES NEW NATIONAL 'MANIFESTO'
The leaders of the Georgian opposition United National Council released on October 17 a new national "manifesto" laying out the party's concerns over "national problems," Imedi-TV reported. The 12-point document identifies several main priorities, including the need to ensure an independent judiciary, the restoration of Georgian territorial integrity, the prevention of political violence, and the securing of the rights of "free media, the inviolability of property and free entrepreneurship.
The opposition manifesto criticizes the Georgian government for failing to address these main concerns and specifically condemns President Mikheil Saakashvili for refusing to "create worthy living conditions, protect national identity, and achieve civil integration." The manifesto also cites its support for "the implementation of the constitutional agreement between the state and the [Georgian Orthodox] Church" and for a foreign policy based on Georgia's "integration into Euro-Atlantic organizations."
In an address accompanying the release of the document, opposition deputy Kakha Kukava said that the manifesto seeks to help "consolidate the entire public and opposition political forces in order to prevent social and political cataclysms," adding that "the only way to overcome the crisis is to elect authorities that will enjoy popular trust and will be accountable to the people, which should be achieved through restoring constitutional order in this country and holding fair and free parliamentary elections."
Deputies from the ruling National Movement party dismissed the manifesto as "not serious" and parliamentarian Pavle Kublashvili said that it "would be better for our opponents' political future, if they realistically assess their own possibilities."
RG
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 193, Part I, 18 October 2007.)
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Enviado - 02 noviembre 2007 : 00:46:20
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GEORGIA CALLS FOR TERMINATION OF CIS PEACEKEEPERS' MANDATE
Meeting on October 31 to discuss the implications of the standoff the previous day in the Abkhaz conflict zone between Russian peacekeepers and Georgian police, the Georgian government and parliament leadership decided to revoke unilaterally the mandate of the Russian peacekeeping force deployed under the CIS aegis in the conflict zone, Georgian media reported.
Earlier on October 31, the Georgian Foreign Ministry issued a formal statement requesting that the CIS Executive Committee and the Russian Foreign Ministry recall the commander of the Russian peacekeeping force, Major General Sergei Chaban, whom Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili on October 30 declared persona non grata on Georgian territory.
"Nezavisimaya gazeta" on November 1 quoted unnamed Georgian parliamentarians as saying the Georgian authorities have already approached unnamed Western states with a request to deploy a substitute peacekeeping force.
In Sukhum(i), capital of the unrecognized republic of Abkhazia, de facto Foreign Minister Sergei Shamba said in a statement posted on the presidential website (http://www.abkhaziagov.org) on October 31 that while Georgia has the right to demand the Russian peacekeepers' withdrawal, the international community is unlikely to agree to a move that would inevitably undermine the "fragile" stability in the conflict zone. He warned that the peacekeepers' departure would result not in local clashes but in a full-scale war. Meanwhile, Chaban's assistant Lieutenant Colonel Aleksandr Diordiyev was quoted by kavkaz-uzel.ru on October 31 as saying that a helicopter belonging to the Russian peacekeeping force was fired on the previous day from the training camp at Ganmukhuri in western Georgia where the standoff took place.
LF
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 203, Part I, 1 November 2007.)
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Enviado - 03 noviembre 2007 : 22:04:33
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Des dizaines de milliers de Géorgiens défient le président Saakachvili dans les rues de Tbilissi
Daniel Vernet - Tbilissi, envoyé spécial
LE MONDE.fr, Paris
03.11.07
L'opposition géorgienne a remporté un premier succès en mobilisant des dizaines de milliers de manifestants, vendredi 2 novembre, dans la capitale, Tbilissi. Les estimations varient de 25 000 à 100 000 participants mais, quoi qu'il en soit, les dix partis qui forment une opposition hétérogène au président Mikhaïl Saakachvili ont réussi leur pari et donné un coup de semonce à un pouvoir auquel ils reprochent son "arrogance".
C'est la première manifestation de cette ampleur depuis la "révolution des roses" de 2003, qui avait chassé Edouard Chevardnadze de la présidence et porté aux affaires M. Saakachvili, un avocat de 39 ans formé aux Etats-Unis. Dénonçant une tendance à l'exercice personnel du pouvoir, l'opposition s'est unie derrière le slogan "La Géorgie sans président", sujet à des interprétations diverses.
Les manifestants, qui portaient un mouchoir blanc noué autour du poignet ou un foulard de même couleur autour du cou, en signe de pacifisme, ne voulaient pas imiter la révolution de 2003, mais demandent une diminution des prérogatives présidentielles par la mise en place d'un système parlementaire.
Les dirigeants de l'opposition se sont engagés à ne pas appeler à la dispersion des manifestants aussi longtemps que leurs principales revendications ne seraient pas satisfaites. Quelques centaines d'entre eux ont passé la nuit de vendredi à samedi devant le Parlement, dans l'avenue Roustaveli, la principale artère de Tbilissi, de toute façon rendue aux piétons tous les week-ends. Ils exigent la tenue des élections législatives au terme normal, en avril 2008, et non à l'automne, en même temps que l'élection présidentielle, comme en a décidé M. Saakachvili. Ils veulent une réforme de la commission électorale pour que l'opposition y soit représentée au même titre que le parti au pouvoir et l'abandon du scrutin uninominal à un tour. Ils sont soutenus, y compris financièrement, par l'oligarque Badri Patarkatsichvili, propriétaire de la chaîne de télévision Imedi. Par précaution, M. Patarkatsichvili a confié, pour un an, la totalité de ses parts dans Imedi à son partenaire Rupert Murdoch.
CONSEILS DE MODÉRATION
Les autorités géorgiennes ont réagi, vendredi, avec calme, bien que l'opposition leur reproche d'avoir empêché des provinciaux de se rendre à Tbilissi. Le dispositif policier n'était pas très imposant aux alentours du Parlement. Il est vrai que le gouvernement - et l'opposition - avaient reçu des conseils de modération. Dan Fried, sous-secrétaire d'Etat pour l'Europe, qui se trouvait jeudi à Tbilissi, a expliqué que les manifestations, à condition d'éviter les provocations, font partie du jeu démocratique. Il a d'ailleurs rencontré les adversaires du président, comme l'a fait aussi le secrétaire général de l'Organisation pour la sécurité et la coopération en Europe (OSCE), Marc Perrin de Brichambaut.
M. Saakachvili était cependant suffisamment soucieux pour annuler un rendez-vous avec des représentants de la communauté internationale qu'il devait retrouver, vendredi soir, dans l'est de la Géorgie. Il a par ailleurs chargé la présidente du Parlement, Nino Bourdjanadze, de recevoir les dirigeants de l'opposition, tout en réitérant son refus d'organiser les élections en avril.
La mobilisation populaire pose au moins deux questions : l'opposition sera-t-elle en mesure de maintenir la pression au-delà du week-end ? Le président tirera-t-il la leçon d'une manifestation qui est certes un signe de "normalité" démocratique, mais qui apparaît aussi comme un défi personnel ? La majorité des Géorgiens est sans doute moins intéressée par des querelles institutionnelles que par une amélioration de son niveau de vie, qui n'a pas suivi le rythme des mirobolantes statistiques macro-économiques.
(2-3214,36-974149@51-973116,0.html" target="_blank">http://abonnes.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3214,36-974149@51-973116,0.html) |
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Enviado - 05 noviembre 2007 : 11:37:24
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En Géorgie, l'opposition appelle désormais à la démission du président Saakachvili
LEMONDE.FR avec AFP
Paris, 04.11.2007
Quelque 12.000 personnes ont manifesté pour le deuxième jour consécutif, samedi 3 novembre 2007 devant le Parlement
de la Géorgie, pour protester contre le chef de l'Etat.
Les dirigeants de l'opposition géorgienne ont radicalisé leurs revendications, samedi 3 novembre, devant plusieurs milliers de manifestants réunis pour le deuxième jour devant le Parlement à Tbilissi. Alors que vendredi, lors d'une manifestation réunissant plus de 50.000 manifestants, ils avaient réclamé sans succès des législatives anticipées, ils ont appelé samedi à la démission du président Mikhaïl Saakachvili, devant plus de 12.000 manifestants.
De nombreux manifestants se déclaraient choqués par le silence observé par le chef de l'Etat malgré la grande manifestation de vendredi. Les chefs de l'opposition ont appelé à poursuivre les manifestations jusqu'à ce que le gouvernement accepte leurs revendications.
C'est le plus important mouvement de contestation en Géorgie, ex-république soviétique du Caucase du Sud, depuis la Révolution de la rose qui a porté au pouvoir M. Saakachvili, il y a tout juste quatre ans.
(2-3214,36-974352@51-973116,0.html" target="_blank">http://abonnes.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3214,36-974352@51-973116,0.html) |
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Enviado - 06 noviembre 2007 : 10:36:52
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Un anillo humano de 20.000 personas pide la dimisión del presidente de Georgia
LA VANGUARDIA.es, Barcelona
06/11/2007
Tbilisi.(EP/AP).- Unas 20.000 personas se manifestaron anoche por cuarto día consecutivo en Tbilisi, capital de Georgia, rodeando el Parlamento y la oficina del presidente, Mikhail Saakashvili, y coreando consignas exigiendo su dimisión y una reforma del sistema electoral.
Los opositores de Saakashvili, muchos de ellos antiguos aliados, han protagonizado desde el viernes protestas diarias en las principales calles de la ciudad, con más de 100.000 participantes.
En un primer momento, los manifestantes solicitaron al presidente que anulara su decisión de retrasar unos meses las próximas elecciones parlamentarias, además de una reforma del sistema electoral, pero ahora exigen su dimisión.
En una demostración de fuerza, los manifestantes formaron un anillo humano alrededor del Parlamento, la oficina presidencial -a unos cientos de metros de distancia- y algunos otros edificios, rodeándolos durante unos 20 minutos, mientras gritaban: `Misha, márchate!, utilizando el diminutivo del nombre de pila de Saakashvili.
"Si estuviéramos a favor del uso de la fuerza, hubiéramos podido tomar el edificio del Parlamento por la fuerza hace mucho, pero no lo hemos hecho ni lo vamos a hacer", dijo Georgy Khaindrava, un ex ministro de Saakashvili que hoy es uno de los líderes de la oposición. "Nosotros sólo usamos métodos pacíficos", añadió.
La Policía y las Fuerzas de Seguridad estuvieron presentes pero no se enfrentaron a los manifestantes. Según la oficina del presidente, éste estaba trabajando en su oficina normalmente. Hasta la tarde, la concentración fuera del Parlamento convocó a unas 1.000 personas, pero el número creció al final de la jornada laboral hasta unas 20.000 personas. Algunos de los manifestantes pensaban permanecer concentrados toda la noche.
Varios líderes de la oposición hicieron pública su intención de no frenar las protestas hasta que sus demandas sean atendidas. El día antes a tales declaraciones, Saakashvili se pronunció en público por primera vez sobre la crisis, e insistió en que las elecciones se celebrarán según sus planes y que, lejos de dimitir, se presentará a las próximas elecciones presidenciales de 2008. Además, insinuó que las protestas estaban incitadas por Rusia, lo que provocó el enfado de muchos de sus oponentes.
Según el líder del Partido Republicano, David Usupashvili, el presidente georgiano "no habló a su gente como debe hacerlo un presidente", y añadió que sólo dialogarán con el presidente del Parlamento, Nino Burdzhanadze, un aliado de Saakashvili que ayer dijo que se había reunido con los opositores del Gobierno para tratar la confrontación. "Ambas partes quieren dialogar, así que todos los problemas se pueden resolver de forma civilizada", consideró Burdzhanadze.
Los opositores de Saakashvili lo acusan de gobernar de forma cada vez más autoritaria. Además de su dimisión y de la celebración de las elecciones legislativas en abril, en vez de varios meses después, los manifestantes exigen un cambio del sistema electoral, que actúa en su favor, según dicen, y la liberación de lo que ellos consideran presos políticos.
(http://www.lavanguardia.es/lv24h/20071106/53409152329.html) |
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Enviado - 06 noviembre 2007 : 23:26:28
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Les roses flétries de Tbilissi
par Daniel Vernet
LE MONDE.fr, Paris
06.11.2007
La Géorgie fait le dur apprentissage de la démocratie. Après une brève période de liberté jusqu'en 1921 suivie par soixante-dix ans de soviétisme, puis la guerre civile après l'indépendance de 1991, la "révolution des roses" avait mis fin au pouvoir chaotique et corrompu d'Edouard Chevardnadze. Mais les mauvaises habitudes n'ont pas disparu. Malgré la jeunesse des nouveaux dirigeants - le président Mikhaïl Saakachvili n'avait que 39 ans en 2003 -, malgré la volonté de réforme et de modernisation et la présence de conseillers américains dans l'administration, les vieilles moeurs politiques ont la vie dure.
M. Saakachvili a choisi une orientation décidément occidentale. Son ambition, sans doute partagée par la grande majorité de ses concitoyens, est d'entrer dans l'OTAN et plus tard dans l'Union européenne, dont le drapeau flotte déjà sur toute la Géorgie. Il a libéralisé l'économie, réformé la police et la justice. Il a lancé la lutte contre la corruption, glanant les louanges des organisations internationales. Le taux de croissance annoncé pour cette année est remarquable, avec quelque 14 %, dans un pays qui, il y a quatre ans, était en ruines. Le budget de l'Etat a été multiplié par six, une grande partie de l'augmentation ayant cependant été consacrée à la défense. La Géorgie devait en effet mettre son armée à un niveau compatible avec l'OTAN et en même temps faire face à deux "conflits gelés", en Abkhazie et en Ossétie-du-Sud, deux régions sécessionnistes soutenues par la Russie.
La bonne image internationale du président Saakachvili cache mal le mécontentement populaire dont les manifestations de la semaine dernière à Tbilissi ont montré l'ampleur et la profondeur. Le malaise a plusieurs causes. D'abord, une méfiance naturelle des Géorgiens envers le pouvoir central, qui se transforme vite en rébellion. Le fossé, ensuite, entre les résultats macroéconomiques et les réalités quotidiennes pour ceux qui doivent vivre avec moins de 20 euros par mois, au moment même où le pouvoir s'est lancé dans une politique de grands travaux, certains utiles, beaucoup ostentatoires. L'allergie, enfin, à tout dialogue critique avec ceux qui ne pensent pas que le président a toujours raison. M. Saakachvili a perdu ainsi plusieurs de ses ministres.
L'opposition est certes faible et divisée. Elle a trouvé un semblant d'unité en passant très vite de l'exigence d'élections législatives rapides - pour lesquelles elle n'est d'ailleurs pas prête - à la revendication de la démission du président. Ce n'est pas une raison pour dénoncer derrière les manifestations la main des "forces oligarchiques russes (qui) tentent de déstabiliser la Géorgie" (Mikhaïl Saakachvili). Le président lui-même a usé et abusé de la carte antirusse et Moscou l'a bien aidé en multipliant les provocations. Mais cette carte fait d'autant moins recette que la privatisation a livré une grande partie de l'économie géorgienne à des financiers russes ou kazakhs.
La tendance à criminaliser l'adversaire politique jette un doute sur le sérieux de l'engagement démocratique de la Géorgie. Le cas le plus flagrant est celui de l'ancien ministre de la défense, Irakli Okrouachvili, un faucon qui voulait en découdre avec les séparatistes abkhazes et ossètes. Naguère proche du président, il a inauguré son passage dans l'opposition en accusant son ancien allié d'avoir commandité l'assassinat d'un oligarque. Okrouachvili a été jeté en prison et libéré après qu'on lui eut extorqué un humiliant repentir public. Le ministère de l'intérieur lui a ensuite fait comprendre que son salut était dans l'exil.
Cette réaction du pouvoir rappelle plus un règlement de comptes entre clans que les pratiques d'une démocratie apaisée à laquelle aspirent des Géorgiens qui se veulent européens. Mieux que d'élections, ils ont besoin d'une alternance tranquille. Ils en sont encore loin.
(0,1-0@2-3232,36-975066,0.html" target="_blank">http://abonnes.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3232,36-975066,0.html) |
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Enviado - 07 noviembre 2007 : 21:59:51
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El presidente de Georgia decreta el estado de excepción en Tiflis
El Gobierno de Saakashvili acusa a Rusia de promover las protestas contra el Gobierno
y llama a consultas a su embajador en Moscú
La policía disuelve a golpes a los manifestantes que piden la dimisión del presidente
AGENCIAS - Tiflis
EL PAÍS.com, 07/11/2007
El presidente de Georgia, Mijaíl Saakashvili, ha decretado el estado de excepción en la capital, Tiflis, debido a los "desórdenes" protagonizados por la oposición y al intento de "golpe de Estado". "Durante el período de vigencia del estado de excepción se prohibirán las manifestaciones y mítines, y también los llamamientos a la toma violenta del poder en los medios de comunicación", ha asegurado Zurab Nogaideli, primer ministro georgiano, en rueda de prensa.
Nogaideli ha insistido en que el estado de excepción sólo afectará a la capital del país y que no se limitará ni "la libertad de expresión ni de prensa". "Tan pronto como se restablezca el orden, se revocará el estado de excepción y también se reanudará el funcionamiento normal de los medios de comunicación", ha añadido. Según la Constitución, el Parlamento deberá ratificar el decreto presidencial en las próximas 48 horas.
Horas antes Saakashvili había anunciado la expulsión de tres diplomáticos rusos por mantener contactos con la oposición y acusó a Moscú de "crear un gobierno en la sombra" para usurpar el poder.
Cientos de heridos
Cerca de 400 personas han tenido que ser atendidas en distintos hospitales de Tiflis debido al impacto de las balas de goma y gases lacrimógenos utilizados por la policía georgiana para dispersar los mítines opositores. Según diversas fuentes, varios líderes de la oposición, que pedía la renuncia irrevocable de Saakashvili, también han sido detenidos en las últimas horas y podrían ser acusados de colaborar con los servicios secretos rusos.
Embajador llamado a consultas
"El embajador [georgiano] en Rusia, Irakly Chubinishvili, ha sido llamado a consultas a Tiflis", ha dicho la portavoz del ministro de Exteriores. "Los acontecimientos que se están produciendo en Georgia parecen claramente relacionados con Rusia", ha asegurado, añadiendo que el embajador ruso en Tiflis, Vyacheslav Kovalenko, ha sido citado en el Ministerio de Exteriores para dar explicaciones.
El Gobierno prooccidental de Saakasvili ve la mano de la ex metrópoli Rusia en las protestas para desalojarle del poder. Las relaciones entre Tiflis y Moscú llegaron el año pasado a su punto más conflictivo, cuando Saakashvili anunció su intención de integrar a su país en la OTAN y expresó su deseo de recuperar la soberanía de dos provincias pro-rusas.
Dimisión de Saakashvili
Los líderes de la oposición acusan al presidente Saakashvili, cercano aliado de EE UU, de corrupción y de ejercer un poder tiránico. En un principio, las demandas de la oposición se reducían a tres: celebración de elecciones parlamentarias en el segundo trimestre de 2008, formación de la Comisión Electoral Central sobre bases paritarias y la puesta en libertad de todos los presos políticos. Sin embargo, después de que el presidente georgiano rechazara de manera tajante estas demandas, la oposición redujo sus exigencias a una sola: la dimisión del jefe del Estado.
Por ello, el país vive desde hace una semana bajo continuas protestas y manifestaciones para exigir la dimisión de Saakashvili. Se trata de la peor crisis política a la que se ha enfrentado el presidente georgiano desde que llegó al poder en la Revolución Rosa de 2003.
En una intervención ante los manifestantes, la ex ministra de Asuntos Exteriores y dirigente opositora Salomé Zurabishvili, ha pedido a la comunidad internacional condenar a las autoridades georgianas por la disolución por la fuerza de una manifestación pacífica. Esta represión prueba, a juicio de Goga Khaindrava, uno de los líderes de la oposición, las acusaciones que dirigen contra Saakashvili, al que ha calificado de terrorista.
(http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/presidente/Georgia/decreta/estado/excepcion/Tiflis/elpepuint/20071107elpepuint_13/Tes) |
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Enviado - 08 noviembre 2007 : 00:23:24
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STREET BATTLES ROCK GEORGIAN CAPITAL
State of emergency to be imposed in Tbilisi as government uses force to disperse opposition demonstrations
By Giorgi Kupatadze in Tbilisi
Tbilisi sank into chaos and violence on November 7, with hundreds of people reported injured after police used force to break up mass protests in the Georgian capital.
Late in the evening, Prime Minister Zurab Nogaideli said President Mikheil Saakashvili was declaring a state of emergency in the capital. As long as the measure is in place, all political activity will be banned and there will be restrictions on the media.
The government accused Russia of fomenting the protests, while opposition figures and Georgia’s human rights ombudsman said the Saakashvili administration had done serious harm to its democratic credentials.
The Imedi television channel, which has been the main media outlet for this wave of opposition activity, was dramatically pulled off the air in the middle of its evening schedule after police units burst into the building. Announcers told viewers that the police were on their way and to expect the broadcast to be cut short. Then the screens went blank.
Imedi journalists said afterwards that employees had been ordered to lie on the floor with their hands on their heads, and their mobile phones were taken from them.
The controlling stake in Imedi was sold by its previous owner, Georgian magnate Badri Patarkatsishvili, to Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation last week.
TEAR GAS AND WATER CANNON USED IN RUNNING BATTLES
Five days of protests in Tbilisi descended into disorder early on the morning of November 7, with police in black balaclavas and gas-masks using tear gas, truncheons and water cannon to break up rallies at three locations in central Tbilisi.
Throughout the day, groups of opposition supporters and police moved through the city, engaging in sporadic skirmishes with one another. By nightfall, the protestors had been broken up into smaller groups, but the fighting was continuing.
The violence was a stark contrast to the peaceful protests that led to the Rose Revolution of November 2003. At that time, Saakashvili and his allies were carried to power in a bloodless chain of events.
This time, things have been different. In the morning, police began moving in to break up the rallies as around 100 protesters including the hunger-strikers stood in front of the parliament building on Rustaveli Avenue, Tbilisi’s main thoroughfare.
City police chief Giorgi Gegechkori said the action followed calls for the road to be reopened to traffic. “Demonstrators have a right to hold a protest, but they should not obstruct the traffic,” he said.
Mayor Giorgi Ugulava added that “every citizen is entitled to freely express his opinion, but only on the pedestrian part of the street”.
He said official permission had been given only for the first day of protests, on November 2.
Angered by the police actions, thousands of opposition supporters gathered in front of parliament. They managed to break through a police cordon and blocked the avenue again.
As riot squads intervened, protesters tried to regroup near the Philharmonia building and in Rike Square in the old part of the city, but they were again driven away by the police.
“When they [the police] released the tear gas, people started panicking, I nearly fainted, and everybody rushed for a place to hide,” said Marina Chumburidze in a voice full of emotion. “It was terrible”.
Trying to escape the thick, choking fumes, people fled down narrow side-streets. All the shops and cafes had already closed, and a few demonstrators broke down their doors to get away.
Georgia’s human rights ombudsman Sozar Subari, who was assaulted during the violence, said the police had committed grave abuses of human rights.
“Today Georgia turned off the path of being a ‘beacon of democracy’ down the road of being a country where human rights count for nothing,” said Subari. “I saw people who’d fallen on the ground being brutally beaten with truncheons. I too was beaten – deliberately, because they knew that I am a public defender, because I had tried to save the people who were there.”
People were especially frightened by the water cannon trucks, which they mistook for tanks. The police also used high-pitched acoustic crowd-control devices, which added to the constant noise of ambulance sirens.
Many of the demonstrators tried to resist by throwing stones and plastic water-bottles at the ranks of police advancing on them. Television channels broadcast pictures showing furious protestors beating a riot policeman who fell into their hands.
By evening, Rustaveli Avenue looked like a battlefield. The ground was littered with empty blue tear gas canisters and rubber bullets. A shattered police car stood in the centre of Rustaveli Avenue; even its red-and-blue beacon was smashed.
PRESIDENT ACCUSES MOSCOW OF ENCOURAGING HIS OPPONENTS
The authorities have suggested that Moscow has been encouraging the opposition as a way of destabilising Saakashvili’s administration.
In a televised address on the evening of November 7, President Mikheil Saakashvili blamed Russia’s FSB intelligence service for the events unfolding in Tbilisi.
“Russia’s foreign intelligence service and its agents have become very active in Georgia recently,” he said. “We had information in advance that there was a plot to overthrow the Georgian government at the end of the year”.
He said that “several employees of the Russian embassy who are engaged as agents have been declared persona non-grata and will be leaving the Georgia in the next few days”.
The interior ministry’s press service made public some audio and video tapes of leading opposition figures meeting representatives of the Russian embassy in Georgia, who the ministry said were secret service officers.
Georgia has recalled its ambassador to Moscow, Irakli Chubinishvili.
Saakashvili said he was still ready for dialogue, but insisted that police had had no option but to use force. “The law-enforcement agencies acted the way the police in any developed democratic country would act under the circumstances,” he said.
The Georgian opposition, meanwhile, is drawing parallels with the events of April 9, 1989, when Soviet troops broke up a pro-independence rally in the centre of Tbilisi and 20 people, 18 of them women, were killed.
“The people wanted us to carry out a new revolution,” said People’s Party leader Koba Davitashvili. “We tried to keep the process peaceful. But Saakashvili, [government adviser Giga] Bokeria and people who do not belong in this country want to hang on to power even if it costs blood.”
The head of the Georgian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Ilia II, is calling for dialogue.
“I think there’s only one way, and that is a dialogue between the government and opposition,” he said. “And if the two sides so wish, we can take part in this dialogue as well. I want to address the whole of Georgia, all citizens, and say that we must keep our composure and do our utmost to keep our country on the path of peace.”
The speaker of the Georgian parliament, Nino Burjanadze, said that after opposition leaders demanded a meeting with her to discuss ways out of the crisis, they refused to meet her.
A large part of central Tbilisi remains cordoned off by police. Pro-government supporters rallied in front of the state chancellery building, chanting “Misha! Misha!” But Burjanadze called on them to disperse so as to ease tensions.
Giorgi Kupatadze is IWPR’s Caucasus web editor in Tbilisi. IWPR editors Margarita Akhvlediani and Sopho Bukia contributed to this report.
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TBILISI VIOLENCE FOLLOWS MOUNTING PROTESTS
Heavy-handed police action against demonstrators follows days of opposition protests
By Giorgi Kupatadze in Tbilisi
The violence that hit the streets of Tbilisi on November 7 as riot police used baton charges and tear gas in clashes with opposition supporters was preceded by several days of peaceful street demonstrations challenging the rule of President Mikheil Saakashvili.
The opposition was deliberately mimicking the street protests of the “Rose Revolution” of four years ago, to try and force concessions from the president.
On November 2 the opposition mustered the largest crowds since the November 2003 protests, with around 50,000 people gathering on the capital’s main thoroughfare, Rustaveli Avenue.
The rally organisers, many of them former allies of Saakashvili, called for his resignation, an early parliamentary election next April, changes to the election rules, and the release of people they see as political prisoners.
Although the protest was supposed to be a one-day action, several thousand protestors were still gathered in front of parliament four days later, sheltering under umbrellas and polythene tents from the incessant rain. On November 6, a group of around 20 opposition activists pitched tents outside the parliament building and declared a hunger strike.
“Today around 200 people said they are willing to join the hunger strikers,” said opposition leader and former conflict resolution minister, Giorgi Khaindrava, who was detained the following day, November 7.
Young people wearing white headbands saying “I’m not afraid!” formed into what they called “corridors of shame” outside government buildings, calling on the officials who worked there to resign.
The Georgian authorities rejected the protestors’ demands and accused former defence minister Irakli Okruashvili and media magnate Badri Patarkatsishvili of masterminding the protests.
“‘Badriotism’ won’t replace patriotism in Georgia,” said Tbilisi mayor Giorgi Ugulava.
“Presidential and parliamentary elections will be conducted simultaneously next autumn, as is scheduled by the constitution,” Saakashvili said, calling the opposition’s protests “a pale imitation of the Rose Revolution”.
The president hinted that Russian oligarch Boris Berezovksy, formerly a close associate of Patarkatsishvili. was orchestrating the protests.
The upsurge of protests began with the September 27 arrest of Okruashvili, who had earlier accused the president of a string of crimes including allowing corruption to flourish and ordering the killing of Patarkatsishvili.
Okruashvili was arrested, and while in detention withdrew his allegations and was released on an unprecedented bail sum of ten million laris (some six million US dollars).
By then, though, the opposition had already galvanised into a new anti-Saakashvili movement.
On November 5, the ex-minister – who had fled to Germany - made another dramatic move. In a televised address relayed to protestors in Tbilisi, he said the confession that led to his release had been made under duress. Okruashvili said that he was now ready to prove his original allegations.
Deputy prosecutor general Nikoloz Gvaramia responded by dismissing Okruashvili’s latest statement as “lies”.
“He is still being prosecuted and is out on bail,” said Gvaramia. “If he doesn’t return to Georgia as soon as investigators demand, the bail money will pass to the state, the punishment against him will be made harsher and he will be declared a fugitive from justice.”
The Georgian media was then given what was said to be a compromising tape in which Okruashvili ostensibly offers to call off the rallies in Tbilisi in exchange for his own appointment as prime minister.
Protests have been occurring outside Tbilisi as well, with opposition activists saying they were blocked from travelling to the capital.
“During the first days of the action, people could not go to Tbilisi, as trains, buses and minibuses were not running,” said Temuri Jgarkava, 52, who lives in the western town of Zugdidi.
The 3,000 traders at the Khopi market, the largest in the Black Sea city of Batumi, showed their support for the protests by staying away from work.
Some experts said the opposition’s ambitions were too unfocused for the kind of people who were joining the protests.
“The leaders set out demands that were of little interest to most of the people standing there,” said analyst Mamuka Areshidze. “The majority of those who joined the protests did so because of social problems, and they don’t why it should be so important to hold early elections. People came there to hear how their everyday concerns – pensions, salaries, unemployment and other social issues - would be addressed. The opposition’s political demands sound somewhat abstract to them.”
Events of recent days have divided Georgia. An “information war” is being waged between two leading TV companies – Rustavi-2, which the opposition says is controlled by the authorities, and Imedi, the creation of Patarkatsishvili, who recently sold his share in the company to Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation.
Chito Margvelashvili and Makvala Kuchukhidze are neighbours living in Georgia’s second largest city Kutaisi. Four years ago, they sat in front of the television watching scenes in front of the parliament building in Tbilisi that led to the Rose Revolution.
The two women no longer agree, as Margvelashvili’s views have changed dramatically over the past four years. “I was the first to support the election of Misha [Saakashvili] as president,” she said. “I believed he would take care of people and lead the country out of crisis. I must admit now that I was mistaken, and that nothing has changed in people’s lives.”
Kuchukhidze disagreed, insisting that it will simply take more time to achieve change.
Giorgi Kupatadze is IWPR’s Caucasus web editor based in Tbilisi. Reporters Tamunia Shonia in Zugdidi, Irma Choladze in Kutaisi and Eteri Turadze in Batumi contributed to this report.
(IWPR'S CAUCASUS REPORTING SERVICE, No. 418, November 07, 2007.) |
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Enviado - 09 noviembre 2007 : 20:24:22
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El presidente de Georgia adelanta las elecciones para atajar la crisis política
El Gobierno de Saakashvili prohíbe celebrar manifestaciones durante 15 días
RODRIGO FERNÁNDEZ - Moscú
El País, Madrid
09/11/2007
El líder georgiano, Mijaíl Saakashvili, sorprendió ayer a opositores y observadores al anunciar la convocatoria de elecciones presidenciales anticipadas para el 5 de enero. Al mismo tiempo, prometió levantar en los próximos días el estado de excepción que decretó el miércoles, después de que la policía disolviera violentamente las manifestaciones de la oposición. Rusia, mientras tanto, respondió simétricamente a la expulsión por parte de Tbilisi de tres diplomáticos acusados de espionaje y declaró personas no gratas a tres funcionarios de la Embajada georgiana en Moscú.
Saakashvili explicó en su mensaje transmitido por la televisión pública -la única autorizada para dar información durante el estado de excepción- que adelanta las presidenciales porque desea "renovar el mandato de confianza del pueblo" y como prueba de su condición de demócrata. Respondiendo a las críticas que le hacen sus enemigos, inquirió: "¿Cómo que no soy demócrata, si estoy reduciendo el periodo de mi mandato presidencial?".
Saakashvili fue elegido en enero de 2004 con una abrumadora mayoría (más del 95% de los votos) por un plazo de cinco años. La oposición, que mantenía un mitin desde el viernes pasado frente al Parlamento, exigía la dimisión del presidente y que los comicios parlamentarios previstos para otoño de 2008 fueran adelantados a la primavera. Esto último será resuelto en un referéndum que se celebrará el mismo 5 de enero, junto con las presidenciales.
Saakashvili justificó el aplastamiento de las manifestaciones de sus opositores reiterando que ellos trataban de "destruir el orden constitucional" y que había "fuerzas extranjeras" implicadas. El miércoles el presidente acusó a Rusia de querer organizar un golpe de Estado en su contra, algo que el Kremlin niega categóricamente. Mijaíl Kaminin, portavoz del Ministerio de Exteriores ruso, dijo que con esas "infundadas" acusaciones, el régimen de Tbilisi pretende "ocultar su incapacidad" para solucionar los problemas de Georgia.
Saakashvili dijo que con las duras medidas tomadas había "defendido al Estado y la democracia". El estado de excepción impuesto por 15 días en todo el país prohíbe los mítines y manifestaciones e impone la censura: ningún canal televisivo, a excepción de la televisión pública, puede divulgar noticias. Policías y militares montaban guardia ayer en las principales calles de la capital georgiana, mientras la oposición optó por llamar a sus partidarios a la calma y a permanecer en casa.
El vicepresidente del Parlamento, Machavariani, señaló que de continuar la calma, la Cámara puede no ratificar el decreto presidencial que impone el estado de excepción y perdería su vigencia.
(http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/presidente/Georgia/adelanta/elecciones/atajar/crisis/politica/elpepuint/20071109elpepiint_15/Tes) |
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Enviado - 09 noviembre 2007 : 20:40:36
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L’autoritarisme de retour en Géorgie ?
Emmanuel Guillemaind’Echon
QUOTIDIEN - Libération
Paris, vendredi 9 novembre 2007
Contesté pendant quatre jours par des manifestations pacifiques, le président Mikhail Saakachvili, qui a proclamé mercredi l’état d’urgence, a finalement décidé d’organiser une présidentielle anticipée le 5 janvier. Pour une durée de quinze jours, toutes les manifestations sont interdites et les médias sont censurés.
Pourquoi ce revirement ?
Saakachvili fait tout pour minimiser ce qui ressemble au premier abord à une victoire pour l’opposition. Ce ne sont pas les législatives qui sont avancées mais la présidentielle, prévue à l’origine à l’automne 2008. Cette décision surprise cache un calcul politique. L’opposition est peu unie et il est peu probable qu’un candidat assez fort émerge d’ici à janvier. La date des élections législatives sera fixée par le futur Président. Saakachvili doit démissionner avant le nouveau scrutin. Critiqué par les capitales occidentales et les institutions auxquelles il espère faire adhérer son pays, comme l’Otan, l’impétueux chef de l’Etat géorgien espère regagner une légitimité qu’il a perdue en employant la force.
Pourquoi l’état d’urgence ?
Les autorités n’ont pas supporté que les manifestants installent un camp de tente devant le Parlement. Tôt le matin de mercredi, ils les ont dispersés. La foule est alors revenue en nombre. La police antiémeute a alors fait usage de gaz lacrymogène, d’un canon à eau et de balles en caoutchouc. Des hommes sans uniforme, encagoulés et munis de bâtons ont poursuivi les manifestants dans les rues alentour. Le président géorgien a qualifié les événements de «tentative de coup d’Etat» fomenté par des agents des services secrets russes.
Les Russes sont-ils vraiment impliqués ?
Le gouvernement n’a, à ce jour, pas présenté de preuves concrètes de ses dires. Seules des écoutes téléphoniques et des images de caméra cachée présentant quatre dirigeants de l’opposition avec des diplomates de l’ambassade russe ont été diffusées. Le ministère des Affaires étrangères a promis de présenter d’autres preuves aux ambassadeurs des pays européens, mais dans les milieux diplomatiques on semble dubitatif. A Paris, le Quai d’Orsay a qualifié les actions des autorités géorgiennes «d’inacceptables». La communauté internationale s’inquiète de la situation car, que les Russes soient impliqués ou pas, la crise entre Tbilissi et Moscou s’annonce forte et imminente. L’expulsion en septembre 2006 d’«espions russes» exhibés à la télévision comme des trophées avait conduit Moscou à renvoyer en Géorgie des centaines de travailleurs géorgiens.
Comment Saakachvili est-il devenu autoritaire ?
Le gouvernement issu de la révolution des roses a entrepris des réformes radicales dans tous les secteurs. Fragilisée par une inflation et un chômage croissants, la population a fini par se détacher d’un Président qu’elle avait porté au pouvoir avec enthousiasme à l’automne 2003. Il a joué sur les sentiments nationalistes exacerbés par les conflits autour des régions séparatistes d’Abkhazie et d’Ossétie du Sud, en qualifiant de «traître» l’opposition, qui tente depuis le début 2006 de consolider ce mouvement de grogne. Une reprise en main s’est amorcée avec l’arrestation à l’été 2006 de plusieurs opposants accusés de collusion avec la Russie. Le glissement vers l’autoritarisme a été conforté avec l’instauration de l’état d’urgence.
(http://www.liberation.fr/actualite/monde/290257.FR.php) |
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Enviado - 11 noviembre 2007 : 13:44:26
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Géorgie : l'état d'urgence brouille l'image du président Saakachvili
Piotr Smolar (Tbilissi, envoyé spécial)
LE MONDE, Paris
11.11.2007
Mikhaïl Saakachvili joue son destin politique sur des coups risqués. La "révolution des roses", en novembre 2003, l'avait consacré chef du mouvement démocratique pro-occidental. L'instauration de l'état d'urgence, mercredi 7 novembre, a jeté un voile inquiétant sur la réputation du président géorgien. Prolongée par le Parlement, vendredi 9 novembre, pour une période de quinze jours, cette mesure devrait être levée bien avant, selon l'administration présidentielle. Mais les attaques lancées contre la chaîne privée Imedi TV et son dirigeant, l'homme d'affaires Badri Patarkatsichvili, en guerre ouverte contre le président, font écho aux méthodes d'un pouvoir pourtant honni à Tbilissi : celui de Moscou, au temps où Vladimir Poutine dépeçait le groupe Media Most de l'oligarque Vladimir Goussinski.
Pour Tbilissi, Moscou n'est pas un modèle, plutôt un ennemi tapi dans l'ombre. "L'état d'urgence n'a pas été décidé contre les manifestants, assure David Bakradze, ministre de la résolution des conflits, mais il y a eu une menace précise de renversement du régime. Comme l'ont montré des écoutes téléphoniques, certains responsables de l'opposition envisageaient une prise par la force de bâtiments officiels, dont le Parlement, en liaison avec des agents de la Russie."
ABSENCE MÉDIATIQUE
Au premier rang des accusés figure Badri Patarkatsichvili, réfugié à l'étranger, qui envisagerait de se présenter à l'élection présidentielle anticipée, fixée au 5 janvier 2008. Il n'est pas le seul à briguer ce poste. L'ancienne ministre des affaires étrangères, Salomé Zourabichvili, s'imagine également en candidate unique de l'opposition. "Demain, ce candidat, quel qu'il soit, peut battre Saakachvili, dit-elle, car il a osé faire ce qu'aucun dirigeant géorgien n'avait fait en vingt-six siècles : lever la main sur son peuple." L'opposition mise sur le traumatisme qu'auraient suscité les charges policières contre les manifestants, mercredi 7 novembre. "Toutes les normes d'intervention ont été respectées", assure M. Bakradze, qui souligne que la foule avait été avertie de l'utilisation imminente des canons à eau, puis du gaz lacrymogène. "De fabrication européenne", précise-t-il.
Devant les locaux d'Imedi TV, toujours privée d'antenne, Soso Barnabichvili vient aux nouvelles. Mercredi, le journaliste était à la cafétéria lorsque les policiers sont arrivés. "Leur but était clair : anéantir la chaîne pour l'empêcher de travailler pendant les élections à venir", dit-il. L'entrée des bâtiments est interdite. "On a emprunté les portables de nos mères pour communiquer en sécurité", sourit-il.
La direction de la chaîne, elle, s'alarme des dégâts qui auraient été causés pendant le raid. "Tout a été détruit dans nos studios, des tables de montage aux ordinateurs en passant par le mobilier", affirme Lewis Robertson, patron de News Media Caucasus, qui contrôle Imedi TV. La chaîne est accusée de participer à une conspiration contre le régime. L'offensive pourrait se poursuivre sous la forme d'enquêtes financières pour blanchiment, indique une source gouvernementale. Un retour à l'antenne ne serait pas envisageable dans l'immédiat, selon M. Robertson. Une telle absence médiatique pendant la campagne présidentielle ne passerait pas inaperçue.
(2-3214,36-976855@51-973116,0.html" target="_blank">http://www.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3214,36-976855@51-973116,0.html) |
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Enviado - 15 noviembre 2007 : 21:20:14
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À Tbilissi, l’opposition veut se débarrasser de Saakachvili
Sans guère de programme, les opposants sont unis dans leur rejet d’un réformateur soutenu par l’Occident
mais accusé d’avoir abusé de son pouvoir
Adrien Jaulmes, envoyé spécialà Tbilissi
LE FIGARO, Paris
15/11/2007
Le programme de l’opposition géorgienne est simple : se débarrasser du président Mikhaïl Saakachvili. Une semaine après les heurts violents entre la police et les manifestants de l’opposition au centre de Tbilissi, la campagne pour l’élection présidentielle anticipée du 5 janvier se joue autour de la personnalité du président sortant. L’étoile de l’homme de la «révolution de la rose» a pâli. Celui qui faisait irruption en novembre 2003 à la tête d’une foule immense dans le Parlement géorgien pour dénoncer la dernière fraude électorale d’Édouard Chevardnadzé, avant d’être élu triomphalement à la présidence, est aujourd’hui dénoncé par ses adversaires comme un dirigeant autoritaire et mégalomane.
Face à lui, ses opposants arrivent en ordre dispersé. Parmi les premiers à se présenter figurent deux candidats. Ou plutôt trois. L’un d’eux est le plus célèbre oligarque géorgien, Badri Patarkatsihvili. Reconnaissable à ses cheveux et à sa moustache blanche, il est réputé l’homme le plus riche du pays, magnat des médias, et proche des tycoons russes Abramovich et Berezovski. Sa chaîne de télévision, Imedi, est interdite d’antenne depuis le 7 novembre. «Une Géorgie sans Saakachvili est une Géorgie sans terreur», a-t-il lancé en guise de slogan. Sous le coup d’une procédure pénale pour tentative de coup d’État, il risque cependant de ne pouvoir se présenter.
Une double candidature, plus sérieuse, a été choisie pour représenter la coalition de l’opposition, qui rassemble une dizaine de partis politiques d’orientation plutôt libérale. Levan Gachechiladzé, homme d’affaires et négociant en spiritueux, est candidat à la présidence. Sa colistière est Salomé Zourabichvili, ancienne diplomate française, qui passa de façon peu courante du poste d’ambassadeur de France à Tbilissi à celui de ministre géorgien des Affaires étrangères en 2004. Tous deux sont décidés à battre coûte que coûte Mikhaïl Saakachvili.
«Nous n’avons pas de programme, affirme Salomé Zourabichvili, et nous ne comptons pas en avoir. M. Saakachvili a lui-même mis fin à la légitimité de son mandat le 7 novembre, en refusant d’entendre les demandes légitimes de la population. Si nous sommes élus, nous ne serons qu’un gouvernement de transition, qui mènera la Géorgie jusqu’aux législatives d’avril 2008. Notre objectif est d’en finir avec le régime présidentiel, et de rétablir un système parlementaire.»
Contrôle des médias d’État
Selon Salomé Zourabichvili, «Levan Gachechiladzé est un homme d’affaires intègre. Il est connu et respecté en Géorgie. Je lui apporte ma popularité et mes contacts à l’étranger».
Les chances de voir Saakachvili battu semblent pourtant assez minces. Ses adversaires lui reprochent l’énorme avantage du contrôle des médias d’État, les seuls pour l’instant autorisés à émettre. Ses anciens alliés ont pourtant juré sa défaite.
«Qu’est-il arrivé à Saakachvili ?», se demande David Ushupahvili, un responsable de la coalition. «Il était tellement populaire. Peu de gens peuvent résister à ça. Il a concentré entre ses mains tellement de pouvoir qu’il a renversé toutes les barrières et toutes les garanties institutionnelles. C’est pourquoi il faut revenir à un régime parlementaire», dit-il.
Salomé Zourabichvili est moins elliptique. Même si elle a été son ministre des Affaires étrangères, elle refuse de se considérer comme son ancienne alliée. «Son régime a évolué rapidement vers un système autoritaire et néobolchevique. Les prochaines élections doivent entériner sa fin, après sa perte de légitimité démocratique.»
Hier, la présidente du Parlement, Nino Bourdjanadzé, alliée de Saakachvili, annonçait que l’état d’urgence en vigueur depuis une semaine serait levé demain. Une annonce saluée par Washington.
(http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2007/11/15/01003-20071115ARTFIG00028--tbilissi-lopposition-veutse-debarrasser-de-saakachvili.php) |
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Enviado - 18 noviembre 2007 : 01:28:19
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GEORGIA: MISHA'S CHALLENGE
Why did Georgia's young president respond so brutally to opposition protests and what are his prospects now?
By Sopho Bukia in Tbilisi
Rustaveli Avenue, Tbilisi's main thoroughfare where an opposition rally was broken up last week with police truncheons and tear-gas, now smells of dust and paint.
Restoration work on building facades, interrupted for a week, has resumed. The Georgian authorities are doing everything they can to reassure their citizens that normal life has resumed after the violence of November 7. The state of emergency imposed that day is due to be lifted on the evening of November 16.
However, political life is definitely not back to normal. The domestic political landscape and perceptions of the country abroad have changed dramatically since last week's street battles in which riot police beat opposition demonstrators.
Mikheil Saakashvili, Europe's youngest president, had won international plaudits ever since he was at the forefront of the bloodless Rose Revolution of 2003, in which peaceful protests toppled the administration of the then president Eduard Shevardnadze.
Now that Saakashvili has become a target for "people power" himself, he has tarnished his democratic image by sanctioning a forceful response, imposing a state of emergency and pulling the opposition television stations Imedi and Caucasia from the airwaves.
Georgian experts say his decision to call a presidential election for January 5 - a year earlier than scheduled - and to lift the state of emergency are most likely the result of unprecedented international pressure, in particular the personal intervention of top United States official Matt Bryza.
"Misha" - as most Georgians refer to him - is an American-educated lawyer who has been a dynamic figure on the political scene ever since he resigned as minister of justice in 2001 and moved into opposition.
Many people recall Saakashvili giving his seat up to them on the Tbilisi metro, at a time when other ministers travelled in expensive cars with a large entourage of bodyguards.
In past election campaigns, it seemed as though the charismatic Saakashvili had personally shaken the hand of perhaps one in three of Georgia's population of five million.
However, his popularity has fallen sharply in the four years since the Rose Revolution.
In part, this is because of the painful changes the country has undergone under the leadership of Saakashvili and his young team.
The World Bank has lavished the Georgian government with praise for achieving double-digit economic growth, overcoming the country's energy shortages, tackling corruption and securing a big increase in foreign investment.
But radical economic reforms have been an unpleasant cold shower for most citizens. One third of the population still lives on or below the poverty line, unemployment is still high and price rises have not been matched by corresponding raises in pensions and benefits.
However, experts say the latest street protests were triggered as much by style as by substance - specifically by the once-populist president's failure to communicate with his people, hold a dialogue with his opponents, or tolerate criticism.
Saakashvili has spent much of his presidency on foreign trips which have boosted Georgia's international image, but left him less sensitive to how his leadership is perceived at home.
"One can say with confidence that it was the cynicism of the authorities that brought people out on to the streets," political analyst Paata Zakareishvili told IWPR. "The decisive factor was the arrogance, high-handedness and excesses of the authorities and their 'I do what I want' attitude."
Archil Gegeshidze of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies noted that "in Saakashvili's actions, both in this specific instance [the events of November 7] and in general, one senses the strong influence of his inner circle. And this influence has led him to fail to respond properly."
There are also serious concerns about the state of the judicial system and the protection of human rights and private property.
One of the authors of Georgia's current constitution, Professor Vakhtang Khmaladze, told IWPR, "The low level of independence of the courts in Georgia has had a negative impact on the state of human rights and also on the economy. People have the feeling that justice in this country is a selective process."
Saakashvili has blamed Russia for provoking the political crisis.
Under his presidency, relations with Moscow have sunk to a new low, with Russia imposing an economic embargo on Georgia and halting the issuing of visas to its citizens.
Russia is universally unpopular amongst Georgians, 70 per cent of whom want their country to join NATO, according to opinion polls.
Yet Georgian analysts say the charge that the domestic crisis was triggered by Moscow cannot be taken seriously.
"External forces trying to exploit our internal tensions and weaknesses have, are and always will be there, but I personally do not believe that the mass demonstrations were initiated by external forces," said Gegeshidze.
Nor, it seems, is this argument believed by western governments and organisations such as NATO, which have strongly criticised the Georgian government's actions and called for the opposition TV stations to be restored to the airwaves.
"The international community has never been so critical of us," said Archil Gegeshidze. "Every minute and every hour that Imedi remains off the air works against us."
So far, Saakashvili has responded only partially to the calls to reverse his actions of the past week.
A Tbilisi city court suspended the broadcasting license of Imedi television on November 14 on the grounds that its coverage of the November 7 violence - prior to its suspension later that evening - amounted to incitement to overthrow the government.
Zakareishvili argues that "the image of Georgia has changed, but not for the worst - it has become closer to reality".
"The world has seen the real face of Georgia and Saakashvili," he said. "As a result our country can only win, because real actions will be demanded of us."
The president has already begun reaching out to his citizens a week before the election campaign gets under way, holding meetings with businessmen, doctors and teachers - all covered extensively by the public television channel that is the only station authorised to broadcast news during the state of emergency.
At one meeting with doctors, Saakashvili expressed the kind of words of contrition which many had hoped to hear on November 7.
"My brothers and sisters, I felt on my own skin the blow of every truncheon just as you did, and I wept from the tear-gas," he said. "But when the alternative is chaos and civil war, the state has no choice but to act; it is only doing its duty."
Experts say Saakashvili still has a good chance of being re-elected on January 5.
"A lot depends on who the electorate sees as the alternative; on whether they can see a worthy competitor," said Gegeshidze. "If such a figure emerges, they will support him. If not, Saakashvili will once again be president, only with less legitimacy than before."
A great deal therefore rests on how the elections are conducted, how fair they are perceived to be, and what verdict the international community passes on them.
Sopho Bukia is IWPR's Georgia editor in Tbilisi.
(IWPR'S CAUCASUS REPORTING SERVICE, No. 419 Part Two, November 15, 2007.) |
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Enviado - 18 noviembre 2007 : 15:11:14
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Géorgie : fin de l’état d’urgence
Au bout de neuf jours, l’état d’urgence a finalement été levé vendredi en Géorgie.
Le président promet à l’opposition qu’elle pourra faire campagne
L.D.
Le Figaro, Paris
16/11/2007
Fin de la parenthèse de l’état d’urgence, en Géorgie. Il devait durer quinze jours, il a finalement été levé vendredi. Le président a annoncé que l’opposition pourrait faire campagne et avoir accès aux médias en vue de l’élection présidentielle anticipée du 5 janvier. «Toutes les forces politiques, l’opposition, tous les citoyens auront la possibilité de mener leurs activités politiques pendant la campagne électorale, y compris en accédant à la presse indépendante et aux chaînes de télévision», a-t-il assuré.
Mais la démocratie n’est pas pour autant de retour totalement. La pression imposée par le président Saakachvili à ses adversaires ne retombe guère, dans la perspective de l’élection présidentielle. La chaîne Imedi TV, principal media d’opposition, est toujours interdite. Le président n’a pas précisé, pour l’instant, si elle pourrait à nouveau émettre. Une question cruciale pour le candidat de l’opposition à la présidentielle anticipée, Levan Gatchétchiladzé, qui a appelé le gouvernement à autoriser sa diffusion, condition sine qua non selon lui d’un scrutin «démocratique».
Le chef de l’Etat n’incarne désormais plus, aux yeux des Géorgiens, le leader démocrate qu’ils espéraient lors de la révolution des Roses en 2003. Il n’a pas hésité à réprimer violemment les manifestations de masse qui appelaient depuis une semaine à sa démission, et à proclamer l’état d’urgence le 7 novembre. Une décision qu’il a justifié par sa volonté d’éviter le «chaos» et la «confrontation civile».
Après l’annonce de la fin de l’état d’urgence, le président a annoncé le remanie ment de tout son gouvernement. Le Premier ministre Zourrab Nogaïdeli, a été démis de ses fonctions. Il est remplacé par un banquier, Lado Gourguénidzé. «Nous allons nous attaquer à de nouvelles tâches qui nécessitent de nouvelles personnes», a justifié Mikhaïl Saakachvili. La composition du nouveau gouvernement va être «annoncée dans les heures qui viennent».
(http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2007/11/16/01003-20071116ARTFIG00265-georgie-fin-de-letat-durgence.php) |
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Enviado - 25 noviembre 2007 : 13:46:44
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El presidente de Georgia dimite para presentarse a la reelección en enero
La jefa del Parlamento, Ninó Burzhanadze, asumirá la presidencia interina
EFE - Tiflis
El País.com, Madrid
25/11/2007
El mandatario de Georgia, Mijaíl Saakashvili, ha presentado hoy su dimisión para poder presentarse a la reelección en los comicios presidenciales anticipados del próximo 5 de enero. El Parlamento confirmó haber recibido por escrito la dimisión de Saakashvili, en el poder desde enero de 2004, ha informado la televisión pública.
Saakashvili había adelantado la víspera que presentaría hoy su renuncia para dedicarse a la campaña electoral. "En los próximos 40 días el puesto de jefe del Estado lo ejercerá la presidenta del Parlamento, Ninó Burzhanadze", dijo Saakashvili durante la reunión del Gabinete de ministros.
Según la legislación vigente, Saakashvili está obligado a dimitir 40 días antes de la celebración de las elecciones presidenciales si desea presentar su candidatura.
Saakashvili convocó las elecciones presidenciales anticipadas el pasado 8 de noviembre para someterse a un "voto de confianza del pueblo", tras las masivas protestas opositoras de principios de noviembre en Tiflis. Por segunda vez, Burzhanadze asumirá la Presidencia, que ya ejerció tras la dimisión de Eduard Shevardnadze, desbancado por la incruenta Revolución de las Rosas de noviembre de 2003.
(http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/presidente/Georgia/dimite/presentarse/reeleccion/enero/elpepuint/20071125elpepuint_4/Tes) |
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Enviado - 03 diciembre 2007 : 23:05:04
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TV AT HEART OF GEORGIAN CRISIS
Fate of opposition television station is subject of intense political haggling
By Eka Kvesitadze in Tbilisi
With Georgia gearing up for a presidential election campaign in January and a degree of normality returning after the recent crisis, the Imedi television station remains at the centre of national and international controversy.
Imedi was Georgia's most-watched television station and had been the main mouthpiece of the opposition in recent times, lending its backing to the demonstrations against President Mikheil Saakashvili. On November 7, after riot police had violently broken up protests on the streets of Tbilisi, special-forces troops stormed into Imedi's headquarters and the station was pulled off the air.
"They burst into the building and forced all of us to lie down on the floor, even my pregnant colleague Diana Trapaidze," said Imedi journalist Zaza Tsuladze. "They ordered us to keep quiet and not to move, and took away our mobile phones. The special forces behaved in different ways. One of them gave some water to one of my colleagues who was feeling unwell. Another one beat a cameraman's head against a table."
The Georgian authorities said that the station was taken off the air because it had become a political instrument in the hands of the opposition and was instigating a coup d'etat.
Another pro-opposition television station, Caucasia, was also taken off the air on November 7, but has resumed broadcasting. However, it only covers the Tbilisi area.
Imedi was previously run by Georgian magnate Badri Patarkatsishvili and is now co-owned by Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation, but the exact management structure is unclear. While Patarkatsishvili has said he has sold his stake to News Corporation, there is no clear evidence of who owns what.
The continued suspension of Imedi has been the main focus of international criticism of Georgia over the last two weeks, provoking negative comments from Western countries, NATO and the European Union, amongst others. EU special representative Peter Semneby and OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Miklos Haraszti made a special visit to Tbilisi to call for Imedi to be reopened.
The authorities have said that they are willing to let Imedi resume broadcasting. Alexander Lomaia, secretary of Georgia's Security Council, offered an olive branch to News Corporation when he said the government was prepared to compensate Imedi for damage to equipment caused by the November 7 raid, something he described as an "unpleasant fact".
On November 29, Imedi journalists were told they may be allowed to return to their building on December 5.
The two sides are negotiating over terms. Following a meeting with News Corporation's vice-president Martin Pompadur, the new Georgian prime minister Lado Gurgenidze said the government was setting three conditions for Imedi to be re-launched. It wanted the company to be financially transparent, to have a clear management structure and to observe high professional and ethical standards.
In particular, Gurgenidze urged that News Corporation take over full ownership of the station, an invitation that Pompadur declined.
President Saakashvili said, "Imedi television will only resume its work when is not a weapon in the hands of its co-owner, businessman Badri Patarkatsishvili."
Relations between Imedi and the government deteriorated rapidly in October, when it gave airtime to former defence minister Irakli Okruashvili to voice spectacular allegations against his former ally, President Saakashvili.
However, the conflict dates back more than a year, to when government officials decided to boycott political talk shows on the channel.
"Despite that, Imedi did not lose its popularity, and the total lack of competition helped them," said television critic Ninia Kakabadze.
With Imedi off the air, three pro-government television stations, Public Television, Mze and Rustavi-2, currently dominate the airwaves.
Observers frequently draw parallels between the role of Imedi in recent events and that of Rustavi-2, a private station, during the Rose Revolution of 2003.
Inga Grigolia, the anchor on a popular political talk show on Imedi which had been accused of fomenting opposition to Saakashvili, said, "Those who were neutral during the Rose Revolution were regarded as opponents of the revolution. I think that by supporting the opposition during the revolution, Rustavi-2 got more deeply involved in politics than was required by journalism."
Some pro-government supporters argue that the comparison is not accurate. In 2003, they say, Rustavi-2 was defending Georgians' civil rights at a time when an election had been rigged, while Imedi has merely been a political instrument used against the government.
Independent analysts, while condemning Imedi's closure, are also critical of the station's news values. David Paichadze, dean of the journalism faculty at Tbilisi State University, said, "Maybe the journalists had a sense that since other media were 'indecisive', they were displaying civic courage. But this kind of bravery and stubbornness became quite hysterical and, most importantly, it led them to perceive and portray events in a distorted fashion."
Most viewers, however, say that Imedi was a valuable alternative voice in a media environment where most stations support the government.
Since 2003, Rustavi-2 has come under the de facto control of the government, and its popularity rating has fallen significantly. Its political shows have been replaced by entertainment programmes.
"In circumstances when there was just naked propaganda on Rustavi-2 and Public Television, the ratings of the opposition Imedi gradually rose, and over time it turned into practically the sole source of information," said TV critic Kakabadze. "So for almost two years we had Imedi, which had no rival, which was boycotted by the authorities, and where we heard only one voice."
She added, "There are basic journalistic standards and a code of ethics, and in different contexts and to different degrees, both these television companies [Imedi and Rustavi-2] have sinned against this."
In search of a way out of the impasse over Imedi, deputy US assistant secretary of state Matt Bryza said there was a need for an independent monitoring group which could oversee professional standards in the Georgian media.
Bryza noted that one section of society blamed Rustavi-2 for spreading propaganda and another, supported by the government, accused Imedi of fomenting a coup d'etat.
When he met Pompadur, Prime Minister Gurgenidze proposed that the existing media council should be given powers to monitor the output of all television channels. He said the body should base itself on Britain's Press Council, as there was no domestic legislation that would cover it.
"This is a body with no administrative functions; what we are talking about the moral side of things," said Gurgenidze.
The Georgian media council was founded in 2005, but has been virtually inactive since then. It has now started working more actively, and is drawing up recommendations on television coverage.
Imedi, which is still off the air, has yet to decide whether and how it will take part in the council's work.
Eka Kvesitadze is a freelance journalist based in Tbilisi.
(IWPR'S CAUCASUS REPORTING SERVICE, No. 421, November 29, 2007.) |
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Enviado - 03 diciembre 2007 : 23:11:22
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GEORGIAN OPPOSITION ACCUSES FORMER PRESIDENT OF WAGING UNFAIR
ELECTION CAMPAIGN
The nine-party opposition National Council issued a statement on November 29 accusing Mikheil Saakashvili of misusing government resources to promote his candidacy in the January 5 pre-term presidential ballot, Caucasus Press and civil.ge reported.
The statement cited as one example of such abuse the meeting Saakashvili convened on November 28 with displaced persons at the Tbilisi town hall, which was broadcast by several television stations, and at which Saakashvili announced that he has issued instructions to government officials that displaced persons illegally occupying state-owned property should be granted the right to live there permanently.
Tina Khidasheli of the Republican Party termed such pledges an attempt to bribe voters. Saakashvili has also arbitrarily overturned earlier decrees on privatization and on the mandatory use of cash registers at markets, announced an amnesty for thousands of prisoners, and pledged an increase in state-sector salaries and pensions.
Parliament speaker Nino Burjanadze, who assumed the powers of president for the duration of the election campaign, was quoted by Caucasus Press on November 30 as saying she will do all in her power to ensure the presidential election is fair and objective.
LF
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 221, Part I, 30 November 2007.)
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Enviado - 06 diciembre 2007 : 21:15:06
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LIVRE * LLIBRE * LIBRO * BOOK
Silvia Serrano *
Géorgie, sortie d'empire
Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 2007
342 pages
ISBN 978-2271065407
23,75 euros
Dans toutes les librairies, en particulier Librairie Itinéraires, 60 rue Saint Honoré, 75001-Paris, http://www.itineraires.com/
* Silvia Serrano, Maître de conférence en sciences politiques de l'université d'Auvergne et chercheur au Centre d'Etudes des mondes Russe, Caucasien Et Centre européen.
Faut-il voir dans "la révolution des roses" un coup d'Etat préparé en sous-main et motivé par des considérations stratégiques ? Les nouveaux Etats seraient-ils condamnés à n'être que le jouet des "volontés impériales" ? Pré carré de la Russie, poste avancé des Etats-Unis ou nouveau voisinage de l'Europe, où en est le Caucase ?
Prise en étau entre les "Grands", la Géorgie offre un éclairage exemplaire sur les difficultés d'une accession à l'indépendance.
(Source: COLISEE, comité de liaison pour la solidarité avec l'europe de l'est. 17.11.2007. - http://www.colisee.org/breve.php?id_breve=835) |
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Enviado - 28 diciembre 2007 : 20:39:32
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La Georgia sta scivolando verso l'autoritarismo?
Da International Crisis Group
Traduzione per Osservatorio sui Balcani: Roberta Bertoldi
21.12.2007
L'Occidente ha il dovere di sollecitare la Georgia ad adottare autentiche riforme ed aperture democrartiche evitando autoritarismi. L'invito è nell'ultimo rapporto di ICG
L'ultimo report di International Crisis Group dal titolo "La Georgia sta scivolando verso l'autoritarismo?" esamina la crescente intolleranza nei confronti del dissenso, che è diventata evidente nel mese di novembre quando in Georgia è stato dichiarato lo stato di emergenza . Il report fa appello a Tbilisi affinché si impegni in un dialogo con gli oppositori politici e proceda nel suo percorso di riforma trasparente e responsabile (leggi il rapporto in http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=5233&l=1).
Le elezioni presidenziali, che sono state anticipate al 5 gennaio 2008, saranno solo un primo test per vedere se questo trend preoccupante potrà essere invertito. Il Presidente Mikhail Saakashvili quando è salito al potere con la Rivoluzione delle Rose nel 2003, si è trovato a gestire una situazione complicata e presto è finito sotto pressione da parte della Russia. Egli ha impegnato il suo governo verso la democrazia, verso una riforma liberale e verso il conseguimento di una possibile entrata nell'Unione Europea e nella Nato, e ha avuto notevole successo nella ricostruzione delle istituzioni e nella riforma dell'economia.
Tuttavia, controlli sono stati sommari, la giustizia è stata applicata arbitrariamente, i diritti umani sono stati calpestati e la libertà di espressione è stata ridotta. Alla fine di ottobre e inizio di novembre 2007, quando il governo ha risposto con la violenza, l'opinione pubblica stava lamentando proprio queste mancanze e la corruzione percepita come fenomeno diffuso.
“La risposta repressiva e sproporzionata del governo alle manifestazioni pacifiche ha turbato le capitali occidentali perché la Georgia era percepita come un esempio di democrazia. Purtroppo l'amministrazione Saakashvili è diventata sempre più autoritaria nel corso degli anni” precisa Magdalena Frichova, direttore del Progetto International Crisis Group Caucaso.
Amici occidentali della Georgia, tra cui gli Stati Uniti, l'Unione Europea e la Nato, hanno bisogno di riesaminare la loro interpretazione di ciò che sta accadendo e premono affinché Saakashvili e la sua amministrazione correggano il loro comportamento.
Né i processi “congelati” di pace con le regioni in conflitto di Abkhazia e l'Ossezia del Sud, né le gravi tensioni bilaterali con Mosca, la quale è decisa ad estendere la sua influenza in questi territori separatisti, giustificano la tendenza verso l'autoritarismo.
Gli Stati Uniti, in particolare, dovrebbero dichiarare il loro sostegno ai principi democratici, e non a un particolare capo. Non è sufficiente dire che, se le elezioni di gennaio saranno libere ed imparziali, la Georgia sarà di nuovo “a posto”.
Non possono più essere trascurati problemi seri connessi con lo stato di diritto, la corruzione, la mancanza di libertà per i media, la debolezza dei controlli e degli equilibri e le crescenti disparità economiche. Autentiche riforme ed una apertura democratica sono due necessità che si rafforzano a vicenda.
“Dopo le elezioni di gennaio la situazione non dovrebbe essere più come prima”, dice Sabine Freizer, direttore del Programma International Crisis Group Europa.
“Gli amici della Georgia in occidente dovrebbero insistere perché il nuovo leader eletto punti di nuovo alla democrazia e a ristabilire lo Stato di diritto, invertendo lo scivolamento del governo verso l'autoritarismo".
(http://www.osservatoriocaucaso.org/article/articleview/8741/1/204/) |
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Enviado - 29 diciembre 2007 : 00:03:30
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FAILURE TO COMMUNICATE DOGGED GEORGIAN PRESIDENT'S FIRST TERM
By Salome Asatiani
One year after the public uprising that ousted Soviet holdover Eduard Shevardnadze and swept Saakashvili to power, the Rose Revolution had already become the stuff of legend.
In the capital, Tbilisi, actors were hired by Saakashvili's National Movement party to give a dramatic rendition of the events of autumn 2003. The chronicle began with protests that followed flawed parliamentary elections on November 2. It culminated three weeks later, with Saakashvili standing on the floor of the Georgian parliament, roses in hand, and demanding change.
"The whole world knows the rest of the story," a young woman shouted proudly. "Mikheil Saakashvili, carrying flowers in his hands, enters the parliament hall, while Shevardnadze runs away!"
A second actor, speaking to throbbing strains of Beethoven's "Ode to Joy," likened the struggle to a battle between good and evil. "Today, good is on the side of the Georgian people! Today, God is with us!"
For many Georgians, the grandiose anniversary reenactment was a disappointing contrast to the real-life enthusiasm of the year before. The Saakashvili government, in its eagerness to commemorate the historic achievements of the Rose Revolution, had instead transformed it into a hackneyed public-relations event.
It's a criticism that has dogged the administration ever since. Are they working for the good of the public, or for the good of their image? Saakashvili, carried to the presidency with an astonishing 96-percent win, vowed sweeping reform. And indeed, the past years have seen striking changes.
One of the most successful programs has been a government initiative targeting corruption in higher education. In just a matter of years, the long-standing practice of bribing officials in exchange for enrollment in prestigious universities has been almost completely eradicated.
Tbilisi universities are now accepting, without bribes, qualified students from the country's poorer regions; the Education Ministry, once a bastion of mismanagement, has been celebrated for its steps to promote merit-based enrollment.
The president's team -- many of whom studied abroad and are familiar with the image-conscious impulses of the West -- were quick to highlight such success stories in speeches and television campaigns. But they repeatedly shied away from delivering difficult news; potentially painful long-term reforms went largely unexplained, outside voices were discouraged.
It wasn't long, says political commentator Ghia Nodia, before Georgians felt they weren't being told the full story.
"This government seems excessively oriented toward public relations -- at least, this is a criticism that we often hear," Nodia says. "But this PR is often overtly simplistic, focused only on showing some infrastructural achievements, like building a road or repairing the facade of a building. There has been very little by way of dialogue with the public, little explanation of actual reforms."
For many, it was a question of pace. Saakashvili's young, energetic administration, its eye on the prize of a "modernized" Georgia, pushed through reforms at a rapid-fire rate. In the first year alone, reforms in everything from education to taxation to the Georgian Constitution were instituted. One Georgian lawmaker commented at the time that it was a "record year" for adopting legislation. For ordinary Georgians, the effect could be dizzying -- so many sacrifices, so few apparent rewards.
Numerous segments of society grew increasingly disenchanted as their own lot grew harder. The country's intelligentsia -- professors, artists, performers -- found themselves stripped of old privileges and jobs as market-oriented reforms took hold. Older workers saw themselves pushed aside as administrative posts were filled with robust young hires. Entire cadres of Shevardnadze-era police forces were summarily purged in an effort to clean up the country's notorious corrupt law enforcement. In one fell swoop, Saakashvili had earned a powerful, and deeply resentful, enemy.
Perhaps the greatest discontent with the government was triggered by its policies on private property. Illegal construction and illicit privatization had flourished under Shevardnadze, often with dangerous and unsightly consequences. Saakashvili, seeking to rectify what was widely acknowledged as a serious problem, moved quickly. Perhaps too quickly. Apartments given by Shevardnadze to artists and writers were promptly confiscated; unlicensed buildings were demolished -- often with shovel-bearing government aides the first to dig in for the benefit of nearby television crews.
Evicted residents were often offered compensation, but for the public, it was too much, too fast. But even as discontent grew, Nodia notes, authorities refused to waver, convinced that in the long term, their strategy would pay off.
"Of course, we shouldn't be under the illusion that reforms introduced by the government wouldn't come up against protest; these reforms, after all, are often oriented against ingrained social instincts," he remarks. "That said, it still would have been possible to carry them out -- they just needed to be more patient. The government should have had more human patience regarding different opinions, and perhaps should have explained things many times. But there are not many people in the government who are capable of doing this."
Giga Bokeria, an influential lawmaker and Saakashvili's close associate, says the government may have failed in communicating with the public on some key initiatives, including those related to private property.
But, he says, the reforms pushed forward nonetheless -- and that is the more important achievement.
"It's often said that 'the people are not ready for democracy.' I've heard this many times," Bokeria says. "We never shared this [sentiment] - I myself didn't; our team didn't. On the contrary -- I think that ordinary citizens in Georgia are not only ready, but are asking for changes, although this is not to say that we don't have any societal problems of course. Main barriers in our society are created by those elites that used to have comfortable positions in the old order of things."
Still, as time went on, a number of Saakashvili's reforms have had the unintended effect of fueling his detractors. As part of its sweep of law-enforcement structures, the government had sought to encourage the public to cooperate with its new, "Western-style" police force by turning in relatives or neighbors suspected of committing crimes. The initiative was, in some ways, a success -- more than 80 percent of all Georgians now characterize their relations with police as at least "relatively good." But the opposition, capitalizing on Soviet-era suspicion of the authorities, derided the program as undignified and cowardly.
The education reform, despite its successes, likewise raised criticism because of changes imposed on the national curriculum and the way literature was taught. A decision to change the instruction methodology for early Georgian Christian texts, for example, sparked charges by nationalists that Saakashvili deliberately sought to "erode" the standing of Georgian literature in academia. And in the economic sphere, new privatization programs and investment incentives led to accusations that the government sought to sell its soul to "foreigners."
At any point, critics say, Saakashvili and his aides could have stopped to address such critiques. Instead, the government appeared to become even more uncompromising, dismissing complaints as uninformed and the work of troublemakers. Shocking observers, the president himself openly mocked members of the old-school intelligentsia who opposed his rule-of-law campaign, and referred to his opponents as people who had been "flushed down" into oblivion.
Gaga Nizharadze, a Tbilisi-based psychologist, says an unyielding drive to "modernize" society is a frequent characteristic of governments brought to power in a public uprising. In many instances, he says, Georgians initially viewed Saakashvili's reforms as positive and necessary -- but were ultimately turned off by the patronizing style in which they were presented.
"Things were being explained in a very condescending manner. As a rule, the least popular members of the ruling team were speaking about [reforms], with smiling faces -- with a grin, as the English would say -- as if to say, 'this is what should be done, brothers,'" Nizharadze says. "Their PR showed only achievements -- and when it came to shortcomings, we were being told that it wasn't our business."
Disenchanted, Georgian society decided to make it their business. Four years after the Rose Revolution, a new crowd of protesters had gathered outside the Georgian parliament. For the first week of November, angry complaints about the state of Georgian affairs mingled with calls for Saakashvili's ouster. When Saakashvili finally responded with force, imposing a state of emergency and bringing in riot police to disperse an already dwindling crowd, the once-celebrated reformer seemed to have gone full circle, devolving into a wary, defensive autocrat.
The authorities attempted to distance themselves from the protests. Bokeria acknowledges "some mistakes" were made in explaining and communicating the government reforms. But he says many people came out for strictly social reasons -- unemployment, low standard of living, and lack of money.
"Even if fewer mistakes were made -- and I think no one could be under the illusion that a government exists which does not make mistakes -- but OK, let's say we had better and more timely reforms, with better communication [with the public] -- the protest rallies would have occurred anyway," he says. "And this will remain the case in the future as well. This happens everywhere, especially with such kinds of transitions, and I don't think there is anything surprising in this."
Saakashvili is now one of seven candidates on the ballot for early presidential elections on January 5. The past month has seen a distinct transformation in the leader who could once do no wrong. Saakashvili may win a second term, but not with 96 percent. This time, he has to work to win. He has been an active campaigner, touring a number of Georgian regions, meeting with everyone from farmers to members of the intelligentsia. Instead of promoting sweeping, long-term reforms, he is carefully emphasizing the importance of issues like social welfare, unemployment, and Georgian culture and traditions.
Whether this will translate into a more accommodating presidential term remains to be seen. But for now, observers like Temur Iakobashvili say they are content to see that the bullish, reformist president has become the responsive, reformed candidate.
"After the events of November, Saakashvili realized that the level of discontent is pretty high among the population," Iakobashvili says. "There's no doubt that this discontent is mainly caused by welfare factors, but there were also other mistakes that are not directly linked with the social sphere, and are more connected to rhetorical, or terminological aspects - be it people being "flushed down," the "red" [intelligentsia], and so on. He is trying to rectify these mistakes now. And this, in principle, is the right way to go."
For ordinary Georgians, does the political evolution of Mikheil Saakashvili come too late?
"There's hope, but very little," says one man in Tbilisi. "He started talking only when things became difficult. Where was he before? Why didn't he come out and do good for people then?"
"There are issues on which I trust Saakashvili," says another. "But there are also those things that I don't know, and therefore I can't trust him completely. If I had known those things too, I might have trusted him 100 percent."
Of one thing, Giga Bokeria is certain. Saakashvili, says the lawmaker, will not turn his back on reforms -- no matter how much he softens his message.
"Of course, politics need to be adjusted. When you see that you made a mistake somewhere, you should try to correct it," he says. "But God forbid there should be developments where Saakashvili revises his political course in any in-depth way. This would mean abandoning the reforms."
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 11, No. 237, Part I, 27 December 2007.) |
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Enviado - 29 diciembre 2007 : 14:14:09
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Badri Patarkatsichvili se retire de la présidentielle géorgienne
Piotr Smolar
LE MONDE, Paris
29.12.2007
Un nouveau coup d'éclat a marqué, jeudi 27 décembre, une campagne électorale géorgienne à l'air vicié. A neuf jours du premier tour de l'élection présidentielle, le milliardaire Badri Patarkatsichvili, l'un des candidats farouchement opposés au président sortant Mikhaïl Saakachvili, a annoncé le retrait de sa candidature. Un homme espère en profiter : il s'agit de Levan Gatchetchiladze, candidat unique de neuf partis d'opposition, jusqu'alors peu audible dans la campagne.
Cette décision intervient quelques jours après la révélation d'une bande audio qui a suscité une vive émotion à Tbilissi. Enregistré à son insu, l'homme d'affaires y proposait 100 millions de dollars à un haut responsable du ministère de l'intérieur afin qu'il s'engage à dénoncer les résultats des élections, qu'il prenne le contrôle du ministère après le vote et laisse des milliers de manifestants, dûment payés, exprimer leur colère. Badri Patarkatsichvili a reconnu et justifié cette proposition par sa volonté de protéger les manifestants contre d'éventuelles violences policières.
Le milliardaire, qui partage son temps entre Tel Aviv et Londres - ville où réside son partenaire en affaires, le Russe Boris Berezovski -, est accusé par le pouvoir géorgien d'avoir organisé la campagne de protestation de l'opposition, début novembre. Elle avait été durement réprimée par le régime de M. Saakachvili, qui avait instauré l'état d'urgence pour neuf jours.
L'affrontement entre Mikhaïl Saakachvili et l'homme d'affaires a fait une victime imprévue : la chaîne Imédi, propriété de M. Patarkatsichvili et de News Corp., le groupe de Rupert Murdoch. La chaîne avait été privée d'antenne à la suite des manifestations de début novembre, car elle était accusée de relayer les appels au renversement du pouvoir. A la suite de pressions diplomatiques et d'une médiation conduite par l'intellectuel polonais Adam Michnik, Imédi avait recommencé à émettre le 12 décembre.
Pourtant, mercredi 26 décembre, elle s'est tue de sa propre volonté, s'estimant dans l'incapacité de préserver son indépendance dans les "jeux politiques" actuels, selon son directeur, Giorgi Targamadze. La direction demande à Badri Patarkatsichvili de vendre ses parts dans la chaîne. Six journalistes ont même décidé de quitter la rédaction. "Les événements des derniers jours sont inacceptables pour nous, parce que le propriétaire de la chaîne y est impliqué. Nous craignons que notre liberté journalistique puisse être mal utilisée", ont-ils souligné dans une déclaration.
(2-3214,36-994185@51-994263,0.html" target="_blank">http://www.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3214,36-994185@51-994263,0.html) |
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Enviado - 01 enero 2008 : 16:25:14
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L'économie géorgienne à l'épreuve des remous politiques et de l'embargo russe
Piotr Smolar - Telavi (région de Kakhétie), envoyé spécial
LE MONDE.fr, Paris
01.01.2008
En sept ans, Benoît Fil a appris beaucoup de choses à Telavi, au pied de la chaîne montagneuse du Caucase, dont les cimes enneigées se dessinent si près des vignes, presque à portée de main : la langue géorgienne, la patience et les pesanteurs de l'administration. Mais il a surtout découvert à quel point l'économie du pays était dépendante des soubresauts politiques. Début 2006, 250 salariés travaillaient pour Georgian Wines and Spirits (GWS), un des plus gros producteurs et négociants de vins en Géorgie, dont Benoît Fil est le directeur industriel. Ils ne sont plus que 110 dans l'entreprise de Telavi, la capitale de la région.
L'origine de la crise que traverse ce secteur clé de l'économie se trouve dans l'embargo décrété en juin 2006 par la Russie sur les produits géorgiens, en particulier le vin et l'eau minérale. Une étape spectaculaire dans la dégradation des relations entre les deux pays, depuis l'arrivée au pouvoir de Mikhaïl Saakachvili au terme de la "révolution des roses", fin 2003. "Nous sommes passés de 3 millions de litres par an à un million", explique Benoît Fil, en faisant visiter les installations quasi désertes. La chaîne de mise en bouteille est immobilisée, en attendant la prochaine commande. Le remplacement des cuves en inox a été interrompu. "Avant, près de 80 % des vins géorgiens se vendaient en Russie, rappelle Chota Kobelia, directeur commercial de GWS. Nous avons donc dû trouver de nouveaux débouchés, en Pologne, en France ou encore en Turquie."
GWS bénéficie du soutien et des réseaux de son actionnaire principal (90 % des parts), le groupe Pernod Ricard. De quoi être plus serein que d'autres face à la crise, et même d'envisager une sortie par le haut. "A court terme, l'embargo est un mal pour un mal. Mais à long terme, il va permettre d'assainir le marché, explique Benoît Fil. Il y a un gros problème de contrefaçon. Sans parler des particuliers, beaucoup de caves font du vin sans raisins : elles mélangent du marc de raisin, de l'eau et du sucre, puis font fermenter. Quand le marché russe rouvrira, il y aura forcément des normes plus strictes."
Le vin, mais aussi l'eau minérale ou les produits agricoles : l'embargo a fait souffrir l'économie géorgienne, qui ne peut s'appuyer sur de grandes ressources naturelles. Ce climat n'est pas propice aux affaires, tandis que la forte inflation enregistrée en 2007 - 11,6 % en novembre - provoque l'exaspération populaire. A l'approche de l'élection présidentielle du 5 janvier, Mikhaïl Saakachvili joue une double partition pour être réélu : il défend le bilan de ses réformes libérales ; mais en même temps il axe sa campagne sur les questions sociales, en promettant de revaloriser les faibles salaires et pensions. L'Etat deviendrait-il dispendieux ? En réalité, c'est la manifestation du 2 novembre, dense et lourde de ressentiment contre le régime, qui a poussé M. Saakachvili à infléchir son discours.
Le 10 novembre, alors que l'état d'urgence était toujours en vigueur, le président géorgien s'est adressé à l'élite économique dans un grand hôtel de la capitale, à huis clos, pour tenter de la rassurer. Parmi ces hommes d'affaires acquis au pouvoir mais inquiets se trouvait Lado Gourguenidze, président de la Banque de Géorgie, nommé premier ministre six jours plus tard. Ce jour-là, nous avait-il confié, il avait trouvé injustifiées les critiques émises contre M. Saakachvili par une partie des manifestants, qui dénonçaient les traumatismes causés par les réformes. "Les Géorgiens ne forment pas le peuple le plus rationnel du monde, disait-il. Les chiffres ne mentent pas. Notre PIB par habitant se situe au niveau de la Russie en 2001, de la Bulgarie en 2002 ou de l'Ukraine en 2006. Ces quatre derniers mois, plus d'un million de comptes bancaires individuels ont été ouverts. Le pessimisme est sans fondement."
Maintenir le cap, et peu importent les échardes : telle est l'unique aspiration du milieu des affaires. Revenu en Géorgie au moment de la "révolution des roses", après avoir longtemps travaillé en Russie, Guela Nakopia, directeur général de la puissante compagnie minière Madneuli, fait partie de ces entrepreneurs qui ne jurent que par la stabilité politique, quitte à négliger les frustrations populaires. "Je pense que le destin du pays doit se régler à la table des négociations, et pas dans la rue", résume-t-il.
Compagnie privatisée en novembre 2005, Madneuli est localisée à 80 km de Tbilissi dans la zone frontalière avec l'Arménie et l'Azarbaïdjan. "Il y a deux ans, nous avions 840 employés. Aujourd'hui, ils sont 1 500 et nous nous développons sans cesse, explique M. Nakopia. Le salaire moyen se situe à 650 dollars (près de 440 euros) par mois, ce qui est élevé." Les grands groupes industriels s'en sortent bien. Soutenus par le pouvoir, ils sont les principaux moteurs de la croissance qui, selon les prévisions du Fonds monétaire international (FMI), atteindra 11 % en 2007 et 9 % en 2008. Mais le taux de chômage s'élevait à 13,6 % en 2006. C'est sans doute le terreau le plus fertile de la contestation contre Mikhaïl Saakachvili.
(2-3214,36-994965@51-994263,0.html" target="_blank">http://abonnes.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3214,36-994965@51-994263,0.html) |
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Enviado - 02 enero 2008 : 20:26:16
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Les tourments de la chaîne Imedi animent la campagne présidentielle en Géorgie
Piotr Smolar - Tbilissi, envoyé spécial
LE MONDE.fr, Paris
02.01.08
La voiture lui sert de bureau provisoire, le temps de trouver un nouveau boulot. Garé sur Roustaveli, la principale artère de Tbilissi, Soso Barnabichvili ne prête pas attention aux enfants qui jettent des pétards dans les pieds des passants. Il est encore tout étourdi par l'audace de la décision qu'il a prise le 26 décembre 2007 avec cinq collègues de la chaîne Imedi, devenue pendant la campagne présidentielle un concentré pur des tourments de la jeune démocratie géorgienne. Une semaine avant le premier tour de l'élection prévu le 5 janvier, le journaliste a décidé de claquer la porte, refusant d'être l'otage de "jeux politiques" jugés malsains. Quelques heures plus tard, la direction de la chaîne privée décidait de suspendre son antenne jusqu'à nouvel ordre. Un sabordage en haute mer électorale.
Depuis deux mois, Imedi a vécu bien des tourments. Le 7 novembre, les forces spéciales investissaient ses locaux et coupaient l'antenne, le jour même où une manifestation contre le président Mikhaïl Saakachvili était violemment dispersée. Les autorités accusaient Imedi d'être le porte-voix des appels à l'insurrection, orchestrés par son propriétaire, l'homme d'affaires Badri Patarkatsichvili, en liaison avec les services russes.
Pendant un mois, l'antenne est restée muette. "Nous avions fermé Imedi car il relayait les paroles de ceux qui voulaient renverser le régime par des voies criminelles, explique David Bakradze, ministre de la résolution des conflits et porte-parole de M. Saakachvili. Mais nous avions également compris qu'il y aurait des doutes sur le pluralisme et la liberté d'expression dans cette campagne électorale si Imedi n'était pas rouvert par la suite." Au terme d'une médiation conduite par l'intellectuel polonais Adam Michnik, ce fut chose faite le 12 décembre.
Mais un "kompromat" - un document compromettant, selon le vocable si prisé dans la Russie des années 1990 - a surgi et bouleversé la donne politique. Diffusée sur la chaîne progouvernementale Roustavi 2, dans la soirée du 25 décembre, cette vidéo montrait un Badri Patarkatsichvili décomplexé, proposant 100 millions de dollars à un haut responsable du ministère de l'intérieur afin qu'il participe à son plan d'action, le 5 janvier. Une somme folle pour un véritable coup d'Etat : il s'agissait de prendre le contrôle du ministère le jour du premier tour, de contester l'honnêteté du vote et de s'assurer de la bienveillance des forces de l'ordre à l'égard des manifestants, mobilisés contre le pouvoir.
L'homme d'affaires a non seulement admis mais revendiqué cette proposition, la justifiant par son souci d'éviter un bain de sang. Il a toutefois annoncé le retrait de sa candidature à l'élection présidentielle. "Tout ce que nous disions sur lui depuis des mois - ses liens avec le monde criminel, l'absence de toute valeur civique - a été confirmé par cette vidéo", dit le député Giga Bokeria, un des plus proches conseillers de Mikhaïl Saakachvili.
"Pour nous, à Imedi, cette vidéo a été un moment-clé, reconnaît le journaliste Soso Barnabichvili. Voyant que Patarkatsichvili voulait obtenir le pouvoir par des moyens illégaux, nous ne pouvions plus risquer d'être utilisés." Mais ce départ collectif n'a pas fait l'unanimité dans la profession. "J'ai été surpris par le choix de ces six personnes, elles auraient mieux fait de rester et d'enquêter sur leur propriétaire, dit Zviad Koridze, journaliste et membre d'un groupe de spécialistes chargé d'analyser le traitement télévisé des élections, mis en place après la médiation d'Adam Michnik. J'ai du mal à croire qu'elles n'ont découvert le vrai visage de Badri que le soir de la diffusion de la vidéo."
La question de l'actionnariat d'Imedi demeure insoluble, alors que l'avenir de la chaîne semble incertain. Il se dit habituellement à Tbilissi qu'elle est la copropriété de M. Patarkatsichvili et de News Corp., le groupe de Rupert Murdoch. "En fait, 100 % des actions appartiennent à Badri, mais leur gestion revient à News Corp", assure Soso Barnabichvili.
Après la diffusion de la vidéo accablante, la direction d'Imedi a demandé - en vain - au milliardaire de céder ses parts. "Les relations entre News Corp et Patarkatsichvili sont opaques, affirme pour sa part David Bakradze, porte-parole de M. Saakachvili. Nous n'avons jamais trouvé la moindre preuve que News Corp était vraiment le propriétaire des actions."
Deux jours avant la diffusion de la vidéo fatale pour M. Patarkatsichvili, le Sunday Times britannique - propriété de Rupert Murdoch - publiait un article dans lequel le pouvoir géorgien était accusé, sur la base d'écoutes sauvages, d'avoir engagé un criminel tchétchène pour mettre fin aux jours du milliardaire. En Géorgie, la saison des "kompromaty" bat son plein.
(2-3214,36-995252@51-994263,0.html" target="_blank">http://www.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3214,36-995252@51-994263,0.html) |
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Enviado - 07 enero 2008 : 02:10:36
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Saakashvili gana las elecciones en Georgia
El líder georgiano obtiene el 52,8% de los votos por lo que no será necesaria una segunda vuelta.
Los observadores internacionales avalan los resultados
AGENCIAS/ ELPAÍS.com
Tiblisi / Madrid
06/01/2008
Mijail Saakasvili gana las elecciones presidenciales de Georgia con un 52,8% de los votos, según datos de la Comisión Electoral, resultado que descarta una segunda vuelta electoral al haber obtenido mayoría absoluta la formación encabezada por el máximo dirigente de la antigua república soviética. La espera del recuento dejó al país, mientras celebraba la Nochebuena ortodoxa, en un estado de tensión en el que los opositores, encabezados por Leva Gachechiladze, salieron a las calles de Tblisi para reprochar un supuesto fraude que los observadores internacionales de la Organización para la Seguridad y Cooperación en Europa (OSCE) no han detectado.
Los primeros datos electorales daban ya ganador a Saakashvili, un fuerte aliado de EE UU en el Cáucaso, que buscaba la reelección tras convocar comicios adelantados después de las violentas protestas registradas en noviembre pasado. Sin embargo, la oposición criticó con la misma rapidez las primeras estimaciones, tachando al presidente de "mentiroso", puesto que "las encuestas a pie de urna han sido falsificadas", según el líder Levan Gachechiladze.
Por su parte, para los observadores internacionales, las elecciones en Georgia se celebraron de forma "democrática", aunque también hubo algunos problemas que deben ser solucionados de manera "urgente".
"Los comicios responden a los principales estándares internacionales de unas elecciones democráticas", ha afirmado la declaración de las misiones de las asambleas internacionales OSCE y del Consejo de Europa (PACE).
El congresista norteamericano Elcy Hastings, jefe de la misión de observadores internacionales, ha dicho que "la democracia en Georgia ha dado un gran paso" y que "la población ha tenido la posibilidad de elegir". "Las elecciones respondieron a la mayor parte de recomendaciones de la OSCE. Al mismo tiempo, hubo algunos problemas que necesitan solución", ha agregado.
Otro congresista estadounidense, Jim Colby, ha señalado que "los observadores del Instituto Republicano Internacional de EE UU (IRI) no han detectado irregularidades que pudieran influir en los resultados de los comicios”. En este sentido, también se han pronunciado los observadores lituanos, ucranianos y de la comunidad post-soviética.
Por su parte, el subsecretario de Estado norteamericano, Matthew Bryza, ha considerado hoy "limpias" las elecciones presidenciales.
Protesta opositora
Mientras los observadores pedían calma a la oposición georgiana, Gachechiladze ha liderado una manifestación pacífica en el centro de Tbilisi en la que se ha declarado el verdadero ganador y en la que ha pedido la anulación de los comicios. Los opositores acusan a las autoridades de falsificar los resultados a favor del oficialismo.
“Mijaíl Saakashvili, no puedes derrotar al pueblo de Georgia”, ha dicho Gachechiladze, con sus manos en puños, ante una multitud de unos 7.000 seguidores y bajo una nevada.
Según Gachechiladze, un recuento alternativo, llevado a cabo por sus activistas, le dio la victoria. La CEC admitió que Gachechiladze se impone al ex presidente en la capital del país, lo que llevó a éste a proclamar su victoria. Asimismo, los resultados de dos sondeos a pie de urna contribuyeron a la confusión, ya que uno de ellos otorgó la victoria absoluta a Saakashvili y otro dio como ganador a Gachecheladze, aunque con un resultado que obligaría a celebrar una segunda vuelta.
Ingreso en la OTAN
Por otra parte, aunque no hay resultados del referéndum sobre el ingreso de Georgia en la OTAN, las encuestas muestran que los habitantes de este país, clave para Europa por los oleoductos que pasan por su territorio, darán un apoyo abrumante a la integración en la Alianza Atlántica.
(http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Saakashvili/gana/elecciones/Georgia/elpepuint/20080106elpepuint_6/Tes) |
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Enviado - 10 enero 2008 : 01:25:30
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L'opposition géorgienne dénonce les fraudes et exige un second tour
Piotr Smolar - Tbilissi, envoyé spécial
LE MONDE, Paris
10.01.08
Le sac plastique jaune est posé sur la table, devant une nuée de caméras et de micros. A l'intérieur, une pile de documents électoraux qui auraient été truqués à en croire l'opposition géorgienne. Sans pouvoir vérifier par eux-mêmes, les journalistes ont entendu les représentants de l'opposition dénoncer, mardi 8 janvier, le "vol" de 100 000 voix, soit plus que la marge dont a disposé Mikheïl Saakachvili pour l'emporter le 5 janvier, avec près de 52 % des voix.
La commission électorale centrale (CEC) a jusqu'au dimanche 13 janvier pour publier les résultats définitifs. Ce jour-là, l'opposition appelle à manifester pour réclamer un second tour, espérant une "révolution des roses" à l'envers. "Ces élections sont la copie conforme de ce qui s'était passé en 2003", a assuré Levan Gatchetchiladze, le candidat défait, en référence aux fraudes massives à l'origine de la chute du président Edouard Chevardnadze.
Plus tôt dans la journée, le candidat de l'opposition s'est invité au siège de la commission centrale électorale. Vêtu d'un pantalon de jogging noir et d'un pull camionneur, M. Gatchetchiladze a harangué le président de la commission devant les caméras. "Vous êtes un tricheur et un criminel sans conscience !" a-t-il lancé, qualifiant le président de la CEC d'"ennemi numéro deux de la Géorgie", après Mikheïl Saakachvili. Le gouvernement a dénoncé des "actions illégales" et le "chantage" exercé sur la CEC. "L'opposition veut faire monter la température et provoquer des mouvements dans la rue, explique David Bakradze, qui a dirigé la campagne de M. Saakachvili. Or ils n'ont déposé aucun de ces fameux documents à la commission !"
Ex-membre du Parti national au pouvoir passé dans l'opposition, Gia Tortladze estime que "les accusations de fraudes sont étayées". Il dénonce la réécriture fréquente des résultats pour les rendre favorables au président sortant. Salomé Zourabichvili, ex-ministre des affaires étrangères, évoque pour sa part la pratique des "carrousels", c'est-à-dire des bus réquisitionnés par l'administration qui auraient conduit les partisans de M. Saakachvili d'un bureau à l'autre pour voter plusieurs fois. Dieter Boden, chef de la mission de l'Organisation pour la sécurité et la coopération en Europe (OSCE), a répété, mardi, qu'il n'y avait pas eu de "fraudes massives".
(2-3214,36-997322@51-994263,0.html" target="_blank">http://www.lemonde.fr/web/article/0,1-0@2-3214,36-997322@51-994263,0.html)
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Enviado - 13 enero 2008 : 13:27:15
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Miles de personas se manifiestan contra el fraude electoral en Georgia
La Comisión Electoral confirma la reelección de Mijaíl Saakashvili como presidente
EL PAÍS, Madrid - EFE - Tbilisi
13/01/2008
Decenas de miles de personas se han congregado en el centro de la capital de Georgia para protestar contra el fraude electoral y demandar la celebración de una segunda vuelta de los comicios presidenciales del pasado 5 de enero.
"El régimen de (Mijaíl) Saakashvili no podrá gobernar el país durante mucho tiempo, ya que la oposición celebrará continuamente actos de protesta y mítines", ha asegurado Leván Gachechiladze, líder de la oposición unificada. Gachechiladze, antiguo colaborador de Saakashvili, ha asegurado durante el mitin que "la aplastante mayoría del pueblo georgiano" apoya a la oposición.
"Venceremos en la lucha contra este régimen antipopular. Estoy seguro de ello", ha proclamado ante las miles de personas que se congregaban en la Plaza de la Revolución de las Rosas, en el centro de Tbilisi. No se han registrado incidentes violentos.
Confirmación de la reelección
La Comisión Electoral Central (CEC) de Georgia ha confirmado hoy la reelección de Mijaíl Saakashvili como presidente de este país caucásico al obtener el 53,47 % de los votos en los comicios anticipados del pasado 5 de enero.
Al superar la barrera del 50 %, no será necesaria la celebración de una segunda vuelta, por lo que Saakashvili podrá ser investido a finales de esta semana como presidente por otros cinco años.
Según los resultados oficiales definitivos, el líder opositor, Leván Gachechiladze, obtuvo un 25,69% de los votos; mientras que Badri Patarkatsishvili, el hombre más rico del país, logró el 7,1%.
Casi dos millones de electores participaron en los comicios, en los que, además, estaban convocados sendos referendos: un 72,5 % votó a favor del ingreso en la OTAN y un 69,8 por la convocatoria de comicios legislativos en primavera.
El protocolo oficial que certifica la victoria de Saakashvili fue suscrito sólo por siete miembros de la comisión electoral, ya que los seis de la oposición se negaron a firmar.
“Estas son cifras políticas elaboradas por la administración gubernamental en favor de las actuales autoridades”, señaló David Bardavelidze, miembro opositor de la CEC.
(http://www.elpais.com/articulo/internacional/Comision/Electoral/Georgia/confirma/reeleccion/Mijail/Saakashvili/presidente/
elpepuint/20080113elpepuint_4/Tes) |
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Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 16 enero 2008 : 22:36:52
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Muere Jorge Bagrationi, piloto español y heredero del trono de Georgia
Primo segundo del Rey de España, ha muerto en Tbilisi a los 63 años
EL PAÍS.com, Madrid
16/01/2008
Tbilisi - EFE. - El príncipe Jorge de Bagrationi y de Mukhrani, heredero del trono de Georgia, ex piloto español de Fórmula 1 y primo segundo del Rey de España, ha fallecido hoy en la capital georgiana a los 63 años de edad. "Ha muerto de hepatitis", ha confirmado Akaki Asotiani, líder del partido monárquico Unión Tradicionalista y ex presidente del Parlamento, el político georgiano más cercano a la familia real.
Hijo del príncipe emigrado Irakli de Bagrationi y de Mukhrani (fallecido en 1977) y la condesa María Antonieta Pasquini (que murió en el parto), Jorge de Bagrationi nació en Roma en 1944. Campeón de España de rallys, Bagrationi empezó en el mundo del motor sobre las dos ruedas en 1959 y ocho años después, al volante de un Renault Alpine M67, llegó segundo en el circuito del Jarama.
En 1968 y en 1974 intentó competir en un Gran Premio de Fórmula 1 y, aunque lo impidieron problemas con los patrocinadores, Jorge Bagrationi aparece en las listas como el noveno español que lo consiguió.
El funeral se celebrará el próximo sábado en el principal templo del país, la Catedral de la Trinidad. Será oficiado por el Patriarca de la Iglesia Georgiana, Ilias II. Al día siguiente, Bagrationi será sepultado en la Catedral Svetitsjoveli de la antigua capital georgiana, Mtsjeta, situada a 20 kilómetros al oeste de Tbilisi, donde descansan los restos de sus antepasados. Por coincidencia, ese mismo día en Georgia tendrá lugar el acto de investidura del presidente Mijaíl Saakashvili.
Deja tres hijos de su primer matrimonio con la nieta de Alfonso XIII, la Infanta María de las Mercedes de Zornoza Ponce de León. El mayor, Irakli, tiene 35 años. Le siguen María Antonieta, de 38, y David, de 31. De su segundo matrimonio con Nuria Llopis y Oliart nació el príncipe Gurami Ugo, de 22 años.
¿Georgia, una monarquía constitucional?
Hace dos años, dejó Marbella para mudarse a esta república del Cáucaso del Sur. Unos meses atrás, la patria chica de Stalin volvió a plantearse el restablecimiento de la monarquía, perdida tras la anexión de Georgia por el Imperio ruso en 1801. En septiembre pasado, el Patriarca de Georgia propuso iniciar los debates sobre la implantación de una monarquía constitucional que restablezca la dinastía del último monarca Jorge XII, destronado tras la anexión de Georgia por el Imperio ruso, al que tan sólo 14 años antes se había aliado por el Tratado de San Jorge.
Según él, para asumir la corona el futuro monarca debería ser educado en Georgia desde niño, y el propio Jorge Bagrationi opinó entonces que tan "ardua tarea" debería acometerla uno de sus cuatro hijos.
(http://www.elpais.com/articulo/gente/Muere/Jorge/Bagrationi/piloto/espanol/heredero/trono/Georgia/elppgl/20080116elpepuage_7/Tes) |
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Enviado - 22 enero 2008 : 23:47:08
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Toma de posesión ensombrecida por la oposición en Georgia
El partido opositor dice que el partido ganador no consiguió la mayoría absoluta necesaria para gobernar.
Las denuncias de fraude no fueron confirmadas por la OSCE, que supervisó los comicios
LA VANGUARDIA.es, Barcelona
20/01/2008 | Actualizada a las 15:55h
Tiflis, 20 ene (EFE).- Mijaíl Saakashvili tomó hoy posesión como presidente de Georgia en una ceremonia solemne ensombrecida por una multitudinaria manifestación de la oposición, que no reconoce su victoria en las urnas y que exige que abandone el poder.
En su discurso de investidura, Saakashvili prometió unir el país y pidió a la oposición sumarse a la tarea de construir una patria fuerte, llamamiento que no fue atendido por sus detractores. "Ante Dios y el pueblo declaro que defenderé la Constitución de Georgia, su independencia e integridad territorial", pronunció Saakashvili con la diestra sobre un ejemplar de la Carta Fundamental en el estrado erigido junto al Parlamento, en la avenida Rustaveli, la principal de la capital.
Saakashvili llegó al lugar de la ceremonia abriéndose paso entre una multitud de sus partidarios que agitaban un mar de banderas rojiblancas, los colores de la enseña nacional georgiana. "Pertenezco a todo el pueblo, a cada uno de ustedes", dijo en su discurso de investidura el presidente, que subrayó que las elecciones del pasado día 5 fueron las "más competitivas en la historia de Georgia".
Saakashvili, que inició su segundo mandato en la jefatura del Estado, aprovechó su intervención para hacer un llamamiento a la oposición al diálogo. "Comprendo a quienes están descontentos con las elecciones, pero el tiempo de la confrontación ha quedado en el pasado. Tenemos una sola tarea: construir una Georgia fuerte", subrayó.
Apenas acababa de concluir el desfile militar que cerró la ceremonia de investidura en la Rustaveli, cuando decenas de miles de opositores se congregaron en el hipódromo de la capital georgiana, a varios kilómetros del lugar donde se celebraron los actos oficiales. "En Georgia no hay presidente, pues el pueblo no le ha dado mandato al impostor Mijaíl Saakashvili", dijo ante los manifestantes el líder y candidato presidencial de oposición unificada, Leván Gachechiladze.
Según la oposición, Saakashvili no obtuvo la mayoría absoluta necesaria para ser elegido en la primera vuelta y debe medirse en una segunda vuelta con su candidato, que fue el segundo más votado. Las denuncias de fraude no fueron confirmadas por la misión de observadores de la Organización para la Seguridad y Cooperación en Europa (OSCE) que supervisó los comicios.
Según los datos oficiales, Saakashvili obtuvo el 53,47 por ciento de los votos, mientras que Gachechiladze consiguió el 25,69 por ciento, muy por delante de los otros cinco candidatos, que se repartieron los sufragios restantes. "¡Misha (diminutivo de Mijaíl), vete!", era la consigna más coreada por los manifestantes, "más de 100.000" según los organizadores del mitin. Gachechiladze afirmó que la oposición se compromete a "no recurrir a la violencia ni a medidas radicales", aunque enfatizó: "Obligaremos a Saakashvili a que devuelva el poder al pueblo". La oposición convocó a un nuevo mitin de protesta para el próximo martes, esta vez frente a la sede de la embajada de Estados Unidos en Tiflis.
En su discurso de investidura, Saakashvili insistió en que la política de Georgia de integración en la OTAN no apunta contra los intereses de los estados vecinos y resaltó el interés de su país en tener buenas relaciones con Rusia. "Extendemos una mano de amistad a Rusia, extendemos una mano de cooperación a nuestro vecino del norte. Debemos ser amigos", dijo el presidente georgiano.
Entre los invitados de honor que asistieron a la ceremonia de toma de posesión de Saakashvili se encontraba el ministro de Asuntos Exteriores ruso, Serguéi Lavrov, cuya presencia en Tiflis fue interpretada como una buena señal para las relaciones bilaterales, prácticamente congeladas desde hace varios años. En su primera actividad oficial tras su investidura -gesto que difícilmente pasará desapercibido en Moscú-, Saakashvili se reunió con Lavrov para manifestarle su deseo de "intentar mejorar" las relaciones entre Georgia y Rusia.
(http://www.lavanguardia.es/lv24h/20080120/53428657929.html) |
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Enviado - 23 enero 2008 : 00:22:49
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Saakashvili Marches into the New Term
Georgia’s president stages a military parade on his inauguration day
Olga Allenova and David Gamtsemlidze
KOMMERSANT, Moscow
Jan. 21, 2008
Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili on Sunday was sworn in for his second term in office and promised to make Georgia a prosperous and united country. Opposition leaders gave no credit to the promise and drew 100,000 people to rally at the Tbilisi racecourse to “stage the inauguration for their own candidate”, Levan Gachechiladze. Kommersant’s Olga Allenova and David Gamtsemlidze report from Tbilisi.
The Swear-In Ceremony
Workers were installing stands outside the Parliament building on Rustaveli street for President Saakashvili, his guests, the army orchestra and journalists. The orchestra arrived to the square early in the morning in full dress and were relentlessly rehearsing the Georgian anthem. People who wanted to occupy a place before the stands had arrived earlier and applauded the orchestra. The military came in ranks and dressed in American field uniform. These were soldiers of the first Gori brigade who were to take part in the parade. They were sporting new M-4 machine guns that Mikhail Saakashvili personally presented them in the city of Gori. The ceremony was symbolic. The military were handing over Kalashnikovs and were getting new M-4s in return. The president said: “Farewell to arms! Long live new, better weapons!” So now these rifles were to show the guests that the Georgian army had become more modern and stronger.
Presidents of Baltic nations, Romania and Poland occupied their seats, and their presence was to demonstrate the international backing for President Saakashvili that some Georgians doubted two days before the ceremony. The visits of the presidents were still unconfirmed on Friday. The only thing that was certain was that presidents of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Ukraine would not be there, which perplexed analysts. Rumor spread that the Turkmen president would come, but he was nowhere to be seen on the inauguration day. Mikhail Saakashvili called those leader who maee it to Georgia “true friends of Georgia”.
At noon, the Ukrainian delegation headed by Prime Minister Yulia Timoshenko was the last to arrive. The Ukrainian prime minister in a white coat was hard to recognize without her plait hair style. Mikhail Saakashvili appeared with his wife and children. Smiling and stretching hands to his voters he made his way to acting President Nino Burdzhanadze who handed him back the powers he relinquished shortly before the election. “We have shown it to the whole world that Georgia is a democratic country,” Mrs. Burdzhanadze said from the rostrum. She then said to Mikhail Saakashvili: “I wish you, the elected president, a good term in office, unite Georgia and do your best to make our country successful and prosperous!”
Mr. Saakashvili then put his right hand on his heart and swore on the constitution to protect his people and the territorial integrity of his country. The president greeted all regions of Georgia starting with Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Several times after this speech he reiterated that Abkhazia and South Ossetia are full-fledged Georgian regions and promised that “Georgia will be indivisible and prosperous from Tskhinvali to Akhalkalaki and from Signaki to Sukhumi”. He said that the presidential election “was the most competitive and was recognized all over the world.” The president greeted opposition saying that any country needs them, and called on them for a constructive dialog that would benefit the nation. “I can perfectly understand those who are not happy with the result of the election,” he said. “But I want to say to them: ‘Georgia has got no time for confrontation because we share the same goal – a united and free Georgia. We are moving towards it by different ways but we’ve got the same goal.” He promised that opposition would have more representatives in the government and all levels of authorities. The president went on to say how much he had done for Georgia and how much he can do to fight poverty. He would raise pensions to $100. He would raise the level of subsistence. The welfare of each family will be the chief goal of the new government, and the government will be formed in a way that every citizen will know that they are the masters of this government.
The president also laid out a foreign policy course for the next five years. “The European Union is the ultimate harbor for Georgia,” Mr. Saakashvili said. “We still aim to join NATO. And this does not collide with interests of our northern neighbor. We are stretching a friendly hand to Russia and moving to NATO with more resolute steps.” The president reminded what Georgia was like four years earlier when “its sovereignty was under threat”. He called the modern Georgian army the country’s strongest ever and promised that he would hand a united Georgia to his successor.
As the president was speaking people on the square were interrupting him with rare applause waving small paper flags of Georgia. The flags were distributed an hour before the inauguration here on the square. The loudest round of applause was heard when the president was mentioning Abkhazia and South Ossetia. But even when the clapping was weak compared to the roar that on that square four years earlier at the president’s first swear-in ceremony or here at opposition rallies in November. The president could probably feel that too. In any case, he did not sound as self-assured as usual and he was reading his speech from the autocue rather than delivering it on the spot as he usually does. He nevertheless kept the square mesmerized for 40 minutes.
The speech was followed by an army parade. The opposition on Saturday made fun of it attributing it to “Saakashvili’s bad taste” and arguing that by taking military hardware to the streets Mr. Saakashvili wants to scare his opponents. But probably the military hardware in central Tbilisi also encouraged opposition to take its supporters to the racecourse contrary to earlier plans to disrupt the swear-in ceremony in the city center.
Infantry opened the parade. The soldiers were marching sedately looking at the stands, which was an imposing sight. President Saakashvili’s face, which was seen on huge screens installed on the square, was full of pride and satisfaction. He would bring his right hand up to the forehead to greet the soldiers. The last unit marched out, and camera men showed a close-up the pensive Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov who was seated next to his Armenian counterpart. It was hard to guess what the minister was thinking about, but his face expressed no joy.
The infantry was followed by new armored vehicles, self-propelled artillery and volley-fire systems. Everything was brand new as if it had just been taken off the factory belt. The square were happily applauding to this splendor. The parade was crowned by military helicopters which took a flight above the square. The swear-in ceremony was over, and the president’s guests made their way to the reception to drink Georgian wine and listen to Jose Carreras.
An Alternative Swear-in Ceremony
Meanwhile, another part of the city saw opposition supporters gathering for their own swear-in ceremony at the racecourse. People were walking across the field where snow was mixed with dirt from all directions to the center of the racecourse. They were dressed shabbily, and probably it was for them that Saakashvili was saying about fighting poverty. But these people did not want to hear the president. They were making fun of him. Three men in caps and worn jackets were discussing the parade on Rustaveli street that they had seen on the TV. “Why was Misha [Saakashvili] keeping a hand by the empty head?” an elderly man asked another. “Didn’t he serve in the army and know that you can salute only when you’re wearing headgear?” “He did his service in a posh KGB unit,” another man said with conviction. “It is only in the Soviet army they would keep the hand by the cap,” the third one was saying. “Americans salute even by the empty head.” “Why?” the first man asked. “Their heads are as empty as Misha’s,” the second one said. Everyone burst out laughing.
As some seventy thousand people had gathered on the racecourse, opposition leader Giya Tortladze gave a shout from the rostrum: “There are no talks with Saakashvili! Don’t believe those lies! We won’t take any posts! The only post we are after is the presidency for Levan Gachechaladze! We will fight as long as it will take, and everyone must be sure that we are not making any concessions!” This was for those who believed rumors that authorities and oppositions were talks. But some negotiations were held. Authorities offered several posts in the government to opposition that they refused saying that the decision would bitterly split their allies and the appointees would not be able to influence the country’s policies anyway.
Mr. Tortladze called Mikhail Saakashvili “a self-proclaimed president like Bagapsh and Kokoity” and said that the opposition rally was “the start of a people’s disobedience movement”, which will strip Saakashvili of power. This caused a cheering of those people on the racecourse who started shouting: “Misha, step down!”
Conservative Party leader Zviad Dzidziguri asked everyone to get their hands up, which made up an impressive sea of hands. “Let the whole world see how many people are here who think Saakashvili is not legitimate and his inauguration means nothing to us,” he said and then turned his eyes to the sky. “Look, poor Saakashvili, how many people won’t recognize you are the president!” Mr. Dzidziguri called on the country leaders who came to the ceremony “not to counter the will of the Georgian people” because “it is your own people is by far more important than when Washington recognizes you”. “We won’t want to live in a Georgia where everything is a lie and where democracy itself is a lie!” the opposition leader shouted. “No, we don’t wanna!” hands of people up in the air supported him. “Today we are beginning to dismantle the power of Saakashvili!” he said causing a storm of applause. Yet, not one understood when and how the dismantlement is going to start, and neither Mr. Dzidziguri nor his allies explained it later.
Quite on the contrary, Mikhail Saakashvili’s main rival Levan Gachechiladze said from the rostrum to all those ready to start the dismantlement right then that there would be no marches or radical actions. Instead, he asked his supporters to go home after the rally. “We are going to work out the action plan and will let you know,” he promised. He added that opposition is set to make sure authorities provide “freedom of press, courts and election”. “We’ve got nothing to talk to with authorities now,” Mr. Gachechiladze said. “But if they don’t ensure free mass media, we will reserve the right for a national revolt.”
People on the racecourse were calling Mr. Gachechiladze “the true president of Georgia” and saying that that rally was actually his inauguration. He responded to this by saying that opposition would not be scared by tanks and jets demonstrated on Rustaveli street and that a day would come when the army and police would be on their side and then “Saakashvili will have to flee the country with disgrace”.
Still it was not clear what opposition was going to do now that the inauguration was over. Opposition leader Kakha Shartava had some sort of an answer: “In the parliamentary election in spring we will get rid of these authorities because in May they will not have the guts to do what they’ve just done.” Mr. Shartava meant that in spring Europe would be stricter in “protecting a fair election in Georgia” and “would not let have it rigged”. Opposition got this assurance after meeting EU and U.S. officials who explained that they were easy on the presidential elections fearing that otherwise opposition would overthrow the incumbent authorities. But the foreign observers promised to be as attentive and scrupulous as possible at the parliamentary election. Perhaps, these talks with Western officials one day before the inauguration made opposition change its plans to rally in the city center and move to the racecourse on the outskirts. “What if opposition is unhappy about the results of the parliamentary election after all?” Kommersant asked opposition leaders. “It’s in the authorities’ interests that opposition are happy,” Ivlian Khaindrava, leader of the Republican party, said. “Otherwise Saakashvili shouldn’t feel bad when he is overthrown.”
(http://www.kommersant.com/page.asp?id=843798) |
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Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 03 febrero 2008 : 23:15:34
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GEORGIAN OPPOSITION UNVEILS DEMANDS TO LEADERSHIP
Twelve opposition parties unveiled on January 29 a memorandum addressed to parliament speaker Nino Burjanadze affirming their shared belief that the outcome of the January 5 preterm presidential election was totally falsified and rejecting the legitimacy of Mikheil Saakashvili's reelection, Caucasus Press and civil.ge reported.
The memorandum further listed 17 measures it considers essential to overcome the current "political crisis" and ensure that the parliamentary elections to be held in early summer are free and fair.
Those demands include a recount in the presence of international observers of the votes cast in the January 5 ballot and the investigation of procedural violations committed during the vote; the release of all persons arrested for their political beliefs; the resignation of Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili; measures to guarantee media freedom, including the inclusion on a parity basis of opposition nominees in the new supervisory board of Georgian Public Television; scheduling parliamentary elections before the current parliament's mandate expires in April, and elections for a new parliament in the Adjar Republic in July; a ban on participation by the president in the parliamentary election campaign; and drafting a new election law and measures to preclude manipulation of the findings of exit polls.
The memorandum was signed by Levan Gachechiladze, who polled second to Saakashvili in the January 5 ballot and claims that the voting figures were rigged to give Saakashvili the 50 percent plus one vote required to avoid a second round runoff; presidential candidates David Gamkrelidze (New Rightists) and Gia Maisashvili (Party of the Future); nine of the 10 parties that aligned in October to create the opposition National Council; and Industry Will Save Georgia.
The Labor Party, whose chairman Shalva Natelashvili ran separately in the presidential election, declined to sign the memorandum on the grounds that it has its own "independent strategy," civil.ge reported.
The signatories set a deadline of February 14, after which, if those demands are not met, the opposition will stage "permanent protest rallies," Gachechiladze warned on January 28.
LF
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 12, No. 20, Part I, 30 January 2008.) |
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Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 08 febrero 2008 : 01:07:50
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GEORGIAN OPPOSITION LAUNCHES NEW PROTEST SLOGAN
Opposition parliamentarian Zviad Dzidziguri of the Conservative party, one of nine aligned in the opposition National Council, told journalists in Tbilisi on February 4 that on February 5 opposition activists will begin collecting signatures from voters in Tbilisi affirming that they did not cast ballots for Mikheil Saakashvili in the January 5 preterm presidential election, civil.ge reported.
The action is named "I didn't vote for Saakashvili."
The opposition claims that contrary to official returns, Saakashvili did not poll the 50 percent plus one vote needed to avoid a second round runoff.
Also on February 4, opposition representatives met to prepare for a second meeting, scheduled for February 5, with representatives of the parliamentary majority to discuss the 17 demands contained in the council's manifesto unveiled last week.
The first such meeting took place on February 1. Meanwhile, parliament speaker Nino Burjanadze said on February 4 that she sees no need for further rallies and demonstrations, and called on opposition representatives instead to "continue working in a constructive manner," civil.ge reported.
LF
(RFE/RL NEWSLINE Vol. 12, No. 24, Part I, 5 February 2008.)
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Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 11 febrero 2008 : 14:16:45
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Ultima Europa : la Géorgie et l’Occident
Jean-Sylvestre Mongrenier
FENÊTRE SUR L'EUROPE
Vendredi 08 Février 2008
Pour imparfait que soit le régime issu de la « révolution des roses » (novembre 2003), le déroulement de l’élection présidentielle, organisée une année avant l’échéance légale suite aux violents incidents de novembre 2007, et l’ouverture du pays aux observateurs extérieurs (instances internationales et organisations non-gouvernementales) témoignent de la volonté des dirigeants de partager la communauté de destin des fragiles sociétés libérales. Du reste, la Géorgie doit être appréhendée comme un avant-poste de la civilisation occidentale. Depuis l’aurore grecque, le Caucase relève des cartes mentales et de l’imaginaire de l’Ancienne Europe. Jusqu’à ce qu’Héraclès ne vienne le libérer, c’est à cette puissante montagne que Prométhée, le voleur du feu divin, est enchaîné. C’est sous ces mêmes cieux, en Colchide (Géorgie occidentale), que Jason et les Argonautes viennent conquérir la toison d’or ; bien plus tard, le mythe grec donne naissance à l’un des grands ordres de chevalerie de la Chrétienté médiévale. Suite à la geste d’Alexandre le Grand, le royaume de Colchide est incorporé à l’aire hellénistique. Au IIe siècle avant Jésus-Christ, les Romains annexent la Colchide et ils étendent leur protection à l’Ibérie (Géorgie orientale).
C’est au IIIe siècle de notre ère que Sainte Nino, originaire de Cappadoce, introduit le christianisme en Ibérie ; dans le siècle qui suit, la religion chrétienne s’est diffusée à l’ensemble de la Géorgie. Lorsque la contrée parvient à se libérer de la domination des Perses Sassanides, au Ve siècle, une église autonome est fondée et la Géorgie forme ainsi l’une des plus anciennes nations chrétiennes (avec l’Arménie voisine). L’Empire romain d’Orient exerce son influence sur tout le pays. Les invasions arabes et musulmanes du VIIe siècle déstabilisent la région mais les rois et les reines qui se succèdent parviennent vaille que vaille à préserver l’indépendance de la Géorgie. La chute de Constantinople, en 1453, isole ce royaume chrétien de l’Europe continentale et de ses influences culturelles. La Géorgie est soumise à la double pression des empires perse (les Séfévides) et turc (les Ottomans), engagés dans une rivalité de longue durée. Signé en 1783, un traité vient assurer à la Géorgie la protection de l’Empire russe. Huit ans plus tard, la Russie annexe la Géorgie et cette situation prévaut jusqu’en 1991 nonobstant un court intermède au cours de la guerre civile entre Rouges et Blancs. La dislocation de l’URSS et l’indépendance de la Géorgie, difficilement acquise et perpétuellement menacée, permet à ce morceau d’Europe byzantine de renouer avec l’Occident. En dépit des oppositions que peut rencontrer Mikhaïl Saakachvili, cette vision de l’histoire et l’orientation vers les instances euro-atlantiques sont l’objet d’un large consensus ; le 5 janvier dernier, 77% des électeurs se sont prononcés par voie référendaire en faveur de l’adhésion à l’OTAN.
La Géorgie est l’une des clefs géopolitiques de l’aire mer Noire-Caucase-Caspienne. Elle est la seule voie transcaucasienne d’accès aux hydrocarbures d’Azerbaïdjan et du bassin de la Caspienne. L’oléoduc Bakou-Tbilissi-Ceyhan (le BTC), inauguré en 2006, et le gazoduc Bakou-Tbilissi-Erzerum (le BTE), en cours de construction, font de ce pays un corridor énergétique essentiel à l’approvisionnement des économies et des sociétés de l’Union européenne (UE). C’est sur le BTE que le gazoduc « Nabucco », soutenu par l’UE, pourrait être branché, pour amener du gaz centre-asiatique jusque sur les marchés européens, en contournant les infrastructures russes. Cet ambitieux projet est vigoureusement combattu par la Russie qui entend refonder sa puissance sur l’utilisation des exportations énergétiques en tant qu’outil de puissance et de coercition (voir les diverses guerres du gaz et du pétrole à l’encontre de ses voisins européens). Pour ce faire, les dirigeants russes et Gazprom ont lancé le projet de « South Stream », une conduite sous-marine vers l’Italie, à travers la Bulgarie et l’Arménie, et vers l’Europe centrale, à travers la Serbie . En amont, la Russie, le Kazakhstan et le Turkménistan se sont entendus pour renforcer le réseau ex-soviétique de tubes qui conduit le gaz centre-asiatique vers l’Europe (accord du 20 décembre 2007), privant ainsi l’hypothétique « Nabucco » des ressources visées. Interrogé sur la question, Philippe Sébille-Lopez, spécialiste en géopolitique des hydrocarbures, juge que ce projet européen ne verra pas le jour sans de lourds efforts et investissements de longue haleine afin de développer les capacités d’exportation turkmène et kazakhe .
Les dirigeants russes s’efforcent de contrer la volonté d’indépendance de la Géorgie et l’orientation pro-occidentale de l’équipe politique issue des deux dernières élections présidentielles (janvier 2004 et janvier 2008). A ces fins, ils appuient les séparatismes d’Abkhazie et d’Ossétie du Sud. En 1993, le conflit entre l’armée géorgienne et les forces abkhazes a servi de prétexte à l’intervention russe. Alors dirigée par Edouard Chevardnadzé, la Géorgie a dû se résoudre à entrer dans la Communauté des Etats Indépendants (CEI), moyennant quoi Moscou aide le nouveau dirigeant géorgien à combattre les forces zviadistes, fidèles à son prédécesseur, l’ancien président Gamsakhourdia. Un accord est ensuite signé et une force de « maintien de la paix » de la CEI est déployée pour séparer les forces et faire respecter le cessez-le-feu (Accord de Moscou, 14 mai 1994). Depuis, le conflit demeure et le chef de la république autoproclamée d’Abkhazie demande à entrer dans « une sorte de confédération russe », selon ses propres termes . Au séparatisme des Abkhazes s’ajoute celui des Ossètes du Sud. Ceux-ci ont proclamé leur indépendance en 1994 et ils revendiquent la réunion de leur république avec celle des Ossètes du Nord, partie intégrante de la Fédération de Russie . Au total, ce sont près du cinquième du territoire géorgien et le dixième de la population qui échappent à la souveraineté du pouvoir central.
Les dirigeants russes établissent un lien explicite entre les séparatismes de Géorgie d’une part, et la volonté des Albanais du Kosovo de mener leur « Etat de facto » (province de Serbie qui s’est vue reconnue en 1999 une « autonomie substantielle ») à l’indépendance de jure, d’autre part. Moscou, on le sait, s’oppose à cette perspective et menace en retour de couvrir politiquement et juridiquement les séparatismes susmentionnés si l’indépendance unilatérale du Kosovo était reconnue par les Occidentaux. On peut cependant juger que l’instabilité du Caucase du Nord (Tchétchénie, Ingouchie et Daghestan) et les effets négatifs d’une telle reconnaissance sur les forces centrifuges à l’intérieur de la Russie font obstacle à cette option. Le maintien de foyers d’instabilité en Géorgie, la distribution de passeports russes aux habitants d’Abkhazie et d’Ossétie du Sud, et diverses mesures (embargo commercial depuis novembre 2006) sont des moyens de pression plus sûrs et plus économes. Par ailleurs, Moscou ne semble pas vouloir fermer la base militaire de Goudaouta, en Abkhazie, comme le prévoit l’accord d’Istanbul de 1999 (les bases d’Alkhalkalaki et Batoumi ainsi que diverses infrastructures de Tbilissi ont été évacuées entre 2005 et 2007).
Au regard des enjeux, on comprend l’intérêt marqué des Etats-Unis pour la Géorgie et le Caucase du Sud. Dans le prolongement d’une aide militaire remontant à 1998, le Pentagone a lancé le programme d’assistance militaire Train and Equip (été 2002) pour former des unités militaires géorgiennes à la lutte contre le terrorisme et, plus largement, aux modes opératoires de l’OTAN. Les Etats-Unis ont alors envoyé deux cents « bérets verts ». Un mois avant la visite de George W. Bush en Géorgie, le 10 mai 2005, le Pentagone a signé un nouveau programme – Sustainment and Stability Operation – visant à préparer l’armée géorgienne au maintien de l’ordre à l’intérieur du territoire national. En 2009, date à laquelle le programme Train and Equip prendra fin, plus de la moitié de l’armée géorgienne devrait avoir bénéficié de cette formation. Progressivement, le système militaire géorgien bénéficie de ressources accrues, évolue vers les normes de l’OTAN et s’affirme en tant que « producteur de sécurité ». La Géorgie est un pays qui se révèle utile dans le cadre de la « grande stratégie » américaine et occidentale, pour renforcer la présence occidentale au Caucase, assurer la sécurité du BTC et conduire une politique de la porte ouverte dans le bassin de la Caspienne. Tbilissi est aujourd’hui en mesure d’envoyer des soldats en Irak comme en Afghanistan, aux côtés des troupes américaines et alliées. Plus généralement, la Géorgie bénéficie des aides du programme « Millenium Challenge » (développement des infrastructures et modernisation du réseau de gazoducs).
En raison des désaccords ou du peu d’intérêt de nombre de ses pays membres, l’UE a quelque peu tardé à s’investir en Géorgie comme dans l’ensemble de l’aire géopolitique mer Noire-Caucase-Caspienne. L’approche a longtemps été « post-soviétique » avec divers programmes de coopération globale (TACIS, TRACECA, INOGATE). Les Accords de Partenariat et de Coopération signés entre l’UE et les républiques sud-caucasiennes en 1996 ne sont pas à la hauteur des enjeux et Bruxelles tend à s’effacer derrière les organismes internationaux (ONU, OSCE, Groupe des Amis du Secrétaire général des Nations unies pour la Géorgie, etc.). C’est avec la dynamique de l’élargissement que l’UE s’implique plus spécifiquement en Géorgie et dans le Caucase du Sud. Ces pays sont bien vite inclus dans la « politique européenne de voisinage » et un poste de Représentant spécial de l’UE pour le Caucase du Sud est créé (juin-juillet 2003). Dans la même période, la « stratégie européenne de sécurité » est venue confirmer l’intérêt porté à la région (12 juin 2003). Pour autant, il ne s’agit pas de travailler à un prochain élargissement de l’UE au Caucase du Sud ; la candidature turque soulève suffisamment de problèmes. L’enjeu est d’intégrer la Géorgie dans le « système européen » d’échanges, de coopération et de libre circulation. Beaucoup reste à faire en ces domaines.
La volonté géorgienne d’entrer dans l’OTAN doit par contre être envisagée avec faveur. Dans leur déclaration d’Istanbul, en date du 28 juin 2004, les Alliés ont souligné « l’importance de la région de la mer Noire pour la sécurité euro-atlantique » et la nécessité de « renforcer la stabilité de cet espace ». Ainsi la Géorgie est-elle signataire d’un IPAP (Individual Partnership Action Plan), en vue de renforcer la coopération dans le cadre du Partenariat pour la Paix. Le programme de réforme engagé par la Géorgie, avec l’appui de conseillers baltes, englobe les domaines civils (consolidation de la démocratie et de l’économie de marché) et militaires (transparence du budget et de la planification de défense ; interopérabilité). La Géorgie et l’OTAN ont aussi signé un accord de transit vers l’Afghanistan (2 mars 2006) et un « dialogue intensifié » (21 septembre 2006) a été institué. Lors du prochain sommet atlantique, à Bucarest (2-4 avril 2008), la signature d’un MAP (Member Action Plan) sera à l’ordre du jour. Il s’agit là de la dernière étape avant l’adhésion pure et simple à l’OTAN.
La Russie s’oppose à une telle perspective et argue des « conflits gelés » qu’elle entretient soigneusement par ailleurs, de manière à repousser les échéances. Pourtant, nul ne peut se prévaloir de sa forfaiture et l’on ne saurait reconnaître à Moscou, fût-ce implicitement, un droit de veto sur les choix politiques et militaires de ses voisins. L’intérêt des Européens est de promouvoir un arc de stabilité et de bonne gouvernance à ses frontières et confins. Repousser la Géorgie au prétexte de ne pas indisposer Moscou ne ferait que détériorer les positions européennes dans une région-clef, au contact de l’aire russo-sibérienne, de l’Asie centrale et du Moyen-Orient. Ce serait là une grave erreur d’analyse, lourde de conséquences géostratégiques.
Le 20 janvier 2008, Mikhaïl Saakachvili, Président de la République reconduit pour un nouveau mandat, s’engageait « devant la nation et Dieu à protéger la Constitution géorgienne ». Quinze jours auparavant, il avait rassemblé 53% des suffrages sur son nom (scrutin du 5 janvier 2008). Les élections législatives du printemps prochain seront un nouveau test pour les forces politiques qui s’efforcent d’enraciner les normes des régimes constitutionnels-pluralistes et de l’économie de marché dans le Caucase du Sud. En Europe occidentale, cette méritoire entreprise n’est guère prise en compte et la Géorgie est trop souvent assimilée à cet « Orient compliqué » que l’on aime aborder avec des idées simples. A l’instar des pays d’Europe centrale et orientale, la Géorgie serait atteinte d’ « hyperatlantisme », une affection définie comme la « maladie infantile du post-communisme ». Le diagnostic dressé, le remède consisterait à cesser de prétendre échapper à l’influence de la Russie post-soviétique. Pourtant, la Géorgie forme un avant-poste de l’Occident au seuil de l’Asie moyenne. La sécurité et l’avenir des Occidentaux se jouent pour partie dans cette aire géopolitique.
Jean-Sylvestre Mongrenier est chercheur à l’Institut Français de Géopolitique (Paris VIII) et chercheur associé à l’Institut Thomas More (http://www.institut-thomas-more.org). Spécialisé dans les questions de défense – européenne, atlantique et occidentale - il participe aux travaux du Groupe de réflexion sur la PESD de l’Institut Prospective et Sécurité en Europe (IPSE).
(http://www.fenetreeurope.com/php/page.php?section=chroniques&id=0142) |
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Envíos 10057 |
Enviado - 14 febrero 2008 : 23:43:10
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SHOCK AT DEATH OF GEORGIAN TYCOON
British police say death of Georgia's richest man is "suspicious"
By Mikhail Vignansky in Tbilisi
Georgia was plunged into a state of shock and rumours abounded after the unexpected death of Badri Patarkatsishvili, the richest man in the country and one of the government's fiercest critics.
Patarkatsishvili, 52, died on the night of February 12-13 in his house in Leatherhead, Surrey, near London. The cause of death was apparently a heart attack, but some of his supporters alleged foul play.
"He never suffered from any serious sickness," said Patarkatsishvili's personal doctor Zaur Kirkitadze.
"As with all unexpected deaths it is being treated as suspicious. A post-mortem examination will be held later today to establish the cause of death," a Surrey police spokeswoman said.
Patarkatsishvili was a friend of Russian oligarch Boris Berezovsky and recently found himself in a similar position - in exile in Britain and identified as a key enemy of the authorities in his homeland.
Some opposition politicians in Georgia are calling for an investigation, and argue that even if the late tycoon died of natural causes, his death was brought on by what they see as persecution by the government.
"I hope that the British agencies will study carefully all the details of what happened and the public will have its questions answered," said Georgi Targamadze, head of the Christian Democratic movement and until recently head of the news department of Patarkatsishvili's television station, Imedi.
A supporter of Patarkatsishvili, David Shukakidze said, "The Georgian authorities handed out a death sentence to Patarkatsishvili when they began their dirty campaign against him. It's not important whether it was a natural death or a premeditated murder. In either case, the authorities of Georgia are responsible for his death."
Another opposition politician, former conflict resolution minister Georgi Khaindrava, claimed, "This government drove Patarkatsishvili to his death with their dirty insinuations."
>From the government camp, Georgi Bokeria of the ruling National Movement party and an adviser to President Mikheil Saakashvili, said, "On the day a person dies, it is usual practice to say something good about him or say nothing at all. So I won't say anything."
Patarkatsishvili was being sought by Georgia - for an alleged plot to overthrow the government - and by Russia on embezzlement charges dating back to the years when he was a close associate of Berezovsky, running the giant car firm Logovaz.
Former president Eduard Shevardnadze, who gave Patarkatsishvili refuge in Georgia when the Russian authorities were trying to extradite him, told IWPR the deceased had been an "intelligent and literate man", and said he doubted the allegations made against him by the Georgian government.
"His death is a great loss for the country," said Shevardnadze. "I know that Badri wanted to do a lot of good for Georgia. He did not become a millionaire or billionaire in Georgia - Georgia does not have that kind of money.
"By the way, I told President Vladimir Putin that Patarkatsishvili had received Georgian citizenship, and Putin did not object. If truth be told, he did think at first that I was talking about Berezovsky, but I said I would definitely not give Berezovsky recognition. As far as Patarkatsishvili goes, Putin did not object."
Patarkatsishvili's wealth was estimated at six billion dollars and companies associated with him owned some of Georgia's prime assets, including the Borzhomi mineral water plant as well as Imedi television. He was originally close to government, but Imedi had become the mouthpiece of the opposition over the last year.
In the last four months, that confrontation became much more bitter. Patarkatsishvili financed opposition groups and said his aim was a "Georgia without Saakashvili", After the seizure of many of his assets in Georgia, he hired former British attorney general Lord Goldsmith to travel to Tbilisi and make representations on his behalf.
Former defence minister Irakli Okruashvili alleged that Saakashvili had wanted to assassinate the businessman, and Patarkatsishvili himself told the Sunday Times that there was a plot to murder him.
"I have 120 bodyguards but I know that's not enough," he told the paper. "I don't feel safe anywhere and that is why I'm particularly not going to Georgia."
In December, when Patarkatsishvili was standing as a candidate in the presidential election campaign, the Georgian authorities released an audio-tape which allegedly contained a conversation between the oligarch and senior Georgian police official Irakli Kodua in London, with Patarkatsishvili promising to pay 100 million dollars for the elimination of interior minister Ivane Merabishvili.
Following this scandal, many Georgians dissociated themselves from him, and despite making lavish promises to spend his own money in Georgia, he came only third in the election with seven per cent of the vote.
After Saakashvili's re-election, the government stepped up the campaign against the oligarch. His television station Imedi was again forced to shut down. On January 16, the Georgian prosecutor's office put out a warrant for his arrest and a Tbilisi court sentenced him in absentia to two months in jail. He was also charged with plotting to overthrow the government.
Bidzina Baratashvili, the director general of Imedi, said negotiations had been nearing completion on the sale of the station to Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation, with the intention that the station would go back on air this March, but that it was now unclear who would carry on these talks.
The oligarch was already gearing up for the spring parliamentary elections in Georgia, but Shukakidze said Patarkatsishvili's Our Georgia party was now considering whether it should continue operating.
Political analyst Ramaz Sakvarelidze told IWPR that the oligarch's death is not good news for his opponents in government.
"The authorities will suffer from the death of Patarkatsishvili, as the blame will fall on them to some degree for what has happened," he said. "As for opposition forces in the country, I don't think much will change."
Mikhail Vignansky is Tbilisi correspondent for the Moscow newspaper Vremya Novostei.
(IWPR'S CAUCASUS REPORTING SERVICE, No. 431 Part 1, February 13, 2008.) |
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Actualitat de GEÒRGIA / Actualidad en GEORGIA
